29 November 1914

Today, a Sunday, George Calderon presented in person the white and pale blue blanket that he had knitted for his god-daughter Elizabeth Pym. Her christening took place at Brasted in Kent and the other godparents were Cecil Dawnay and Hannah Bartlett.

Mary Elizabeth Pym

Mary Elizabeth Pym
c. 1921
(Reproduced by kind permission of Carol Taylor)

Elizabeth Pym’s father, Captain ‘Evey’ Pym, was unable to attend owing to military duties. Her maternal grandparents, Frederic and Catherine Lubbock, who lived not far away at Emmetts, were presumably there; she had no grandparents alive on her father’s side.

One imagines that Calderon wore his army uniform. He almost certainly walked with a stick. There must have been great interest amongst the party in his experiences at Ypres, which he probably satisfied quite humorously. Although mild, it rained much of the time. George and Kittie returned to London the same day.

George was an agnostic and could be acerbic about what he called ‘the parsonic mind’. However, he evidently had no philosophical problems about standing godfather to his friends’ children. As one of Kittie’s god-daughters told me, George and Kittie were ‘wonderful with young people’ and could give them independent advice.

It is a great pity that the signature on the portrait above is illegible. Elizabeth Pym would have been about seven when it was drawn, and although I met her myself a full sixty-five years later, I can confirm that it does capture her. To me she was a very sweet lady, who made me lunch, had a sparkle in her eye, and seemed tickled by the idea that I was interested in her godfather. Her eyebrows really were that long.

Next entry: Birthday

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Reactions

It has been suggested to me that the lack of Comments on the blog, after four months, is an indication of the ‘maturity’ (i.e. 60-plus) of its visitors and followers. You prefer to email me than bruit your reactions to the whole world. Well, being ‘mature’ myself, I understand — and I have certainly received some interesting emails.

A professor wrote in August: ‘I fear I may become addicted. It’s a fascinating experiment in creative history.’ That was very gratifying, as my object always was to create the effect of George’s and others’ lives ‘happening now’, rather than bottled as ‘history’. An historian wrote at the same time: ‘I think it makes it very accessible when presented like this’. She meant, I think, the War, and that was much more the focus then, of course. I had hoped that the day-to-day approach to the War would be useful to students, educational websites and providers, but of course one cannot get away from the fact that the blog is principally about the life of this writer George Calderon of whom ‘nobody has heard’!

Times writer emailed me: ‘There is the drama of the war, the drama of Calderon’s life, and the drama of your feeling your way into your biography.’ Yes, hopefully, but I am aware that I can’t always achieve a balance between those three. This is the first time I have written a blog and it is harder and much more time-consuming than I thought… It has also had this very weird dissolvent effect on my writing the biography itself, which was 92% done when the War broke out (see post on 12 September, ‘A biographer bifurcates’). I hope to return to that problem in a post next week.

So, sincere thanks to everyone who has contacted me about the blog. Your comments have been without exception interesting and useful. Apologies to Michael Caines and Juliet Nicolson, whose names were crassly misspelt for a few hours after the particular posts first appeared. Thank you, too, to those who have pointed out typos or infelicities, which I have attempted promptly to correct. This is very important, as the blog will eventually become a permanent site. And a special thank you to the grandson of Violet and Evey Pym for converting me to the 21st century practice of putting a single space after a full stop, rather than a double one.

Next entry: 29 November 1914

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The sexiest couple in Europe

Many passenger lists from a hundred years ago are available online, but it seems that those for ‘normal’ voyages within Europe were not preserved except in special circumstances. Thus I haven’t been able to establish exactly when the Fokine family left Britain for Norway in November 1914. Conceivably they left at the very beginning of December 1914; but Vitalii Fokine’s commentary to Fokine, Memoirs of a Ballet Master (London, Constable, c. 1961) suggests it was in the second half of November.

Michel and Vera Fokine in "Scheherazade", 1914

Michel and Vera Fokine in “Scheherazade”, 1914
(The Music And Theatre Library of Sweden, licensed under Creative Commons 2.0)

Michel and Vera Fokine were fabulous dancers; artists of absolute world significance. Calderon had acted as interpreter/fixer for Michel during Ballets Russes’s sensational visit to London in 1911 (see Juliet Nicolson, The Perfect Summer (London, John Murray, 2006)), but he had also written an unsigned piece about Ballets Russes in The Times of 24 June 1911 which has been widely reprinted ever since. He and Michel Fokine saw eye to eye. They were both polymaths, supremely gifted, had similar senses of humour, George had extensive useful contacts in English cultural circles, and was himself eager to write libretti for modern ballet. George and Kittie’s sculptor friend Emanuele Ordoño de Rosales also hit it off with Fokine, and made several figurines of him, viewable on the Web.

Fokine had broken with Diaghilev after the latter, for reasons connected with his relationship with Nijinsky, had attempted to ruin the first night of Fokine’s masterpiece Daphnis et Chloé in June 1912. However, Nijinsky was sacked by Diaghilev in late 1913 following Nijinsky’s wedding in Buenos Aires on 10 September. After complex negotiations, Fokine agreed in the winter of 1913/14 to become Diaghilev’s choreographer again and to create seven new works for him. The Ballets Russes season at the Theatre Royal, Drury Lane, 8 June-25 July 1914, was one of the high points of Michel and Vera Fokine’s career, and the only occasion on which Fokine himself danced in London. It is possible that George Calderon translated for Fokine his long letter to The Times of 6 July 1914 in which Fokine set out his famous ‘Five Principles’ of modern ballet, although for stylistic reasons I am doubtful that it was Calderon’s work. Nevertheless, it seems highly likely that before the Fokines left for Paris at the end of July 1914 George and Michel discussed the four or five ballet libretti that George had written so far.

The day that the Fokine family were due to leave Paris by rail for Russia through Germany, 3 August 1914, Germany declared war on France and they aborted their journey. (If they had not, they would have been held in Germany as Stanislavsky and some Moscow Arts actors were.) Instead, the Fokines moved to Biarritz close to the Spanish border. On 29 September George wrote to Kittie mentioning that he had had a letter from Michel. Unfortunately this letter has not survived, but George paraphrased: ‘Mme Fokin [the correct English transliteration] has got a bad chest again and they are thinking of leaving Biarritz for Spain (Switzerland is too full of Germans, they say).’ Judging from Vitalii Fokine’s commentary to his father’s memoirs, they crossed into Spain about then.

Michel Fokine used his time in Spain to study Spanish dance in depth — this later bore fruit in four of his ballet productions between 1916 and 1935. The Fokines’ intention was to return to Russia for the winter season at the Imperial Ballet in St Petersburg, as they had before. This they would do by steaming through the Mediterranean and Black Sea. However, on 29 October 1914 the Ottoman Empire came into the war on the Germans’ side and this shut off Russia’s Black Sea ports to European traffic. The Fokines decided the only way home to Russia was across the North Sea, despite the danger of attack from U-boats. They therefore returned to Paris and gathered themselves to move on to Britain and buy tickets to Norway (from Newcastle to Bergen?).

It was probably in the last week of November 1914 that the Fokine family visited Calderon at 42 Well Walk. Here is Kittie’s account:

The Fokins were terribly concerned to find him wounded. These two friends were always to us like birds of the air.

None of the ordinary things of life seemed to touch them. They adored each other and their little boy Vitalie, this and their wonderful art were literally all that counted to them. Besides [Michel Fokine] finding an understanding artistic sympathy in George, […] they became truly attached to him and we to them. She was an exquisite dancer. As anyone who has seen Fokin’s productions must know, he was full of a subtle and delicate humour, and George and he were planning many delicious ballets for the future.

On this occasion poor Madame was very distracted. She knew what would happen. The Germans would capture their steamer — Michel would be seized being of military age — and she and Vitalie would eventually be sent on to Russia — never to see Michel again. Mercifully this dire disaster did not fall upon them. […]

But these creatures of the Sun — for that is what they had made us feel they were — how could they ever exist in the world as the world had become — that is what we wondered.

In fact the Fokines were made of perdurable stuff. They had to be, to remain as focussed on their art as they were. In this respect they possibly present an instructive contrast to the quintessential Edwardian George Calderon. They worked tirelessly at their art, which they knew was at the cutting edge. Michel Fokine was always politically informed and never going to be manipulated by anyone. Early in 1918 he used the confidence of People’s Commissar of Enlightenment Anatolii Lunacharskii to get out of Russia and never return. Performing in Germany on one occasion in the 1930s, he refused to meet Hermann Goering in his box after the show, causing great consternation. He, Vera and Vitalii settled in the U.S.A., where inevitably they did not have an easy time, but they carved out a life for themselves through their own wonderful energy and dedication to their art.

The Fokine family made it safely to Norway in 1914, Michel and Vera performed in Scandinavia, and two months later they all reached St Petersburg. They never saw George Calderon again.

Next entry: Reactions

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Home

If my dating of George’s letter to Riette and Dan Sturge Moore is correct, he returned home on or around Tuesday 24 November 1914.

There he met the three Belgian refugees whom Kittie had taken in after the fall of Antwerp. One was living in George’s study, another in his dressing room. ‘But that all was accepted and fell into line’, Kittie writes. The young men were lively and he greatly enjoyed talking with them, especially about the Belgian Revival, which he had become interested in whilst on a walk through the Ardennes with the Coptic scholar Walter Crum in 1910. He presumably kept his suspicions about Flemish francs tireurs and Belgian peasants’ resentment of the British presence to himself.

One of the Belgian refugees, whose name is unknown, soon got a job in England and left the Calderons’. The other two were called Raymond Dereume and Jean Ryckaert. It seems that they were bank clerks from Antwerp or Charleroi. They became extremely fond of George, Kittie, and the Pym family, and probably continued to live at 42 Well Walk until May 1915. Dereume then emigrated to America, became a successful businessman and Belgian Consul, and in 1940 invited the Pym family and Kittie to take refuge with him in Pittsburgh until the Second World War was over (they graciously declined). He also sent Kittie food parcels throughout that war.

Jean Ryckaert, May 1916.

Jean Ryckaert, May 1916.

Ryckaert appears to have returned to Belgium during or after the First World War. In addition to the above portrait, there is in the Calderon Papers a photograph of his wife bending over a cradle.

Needless to say, it was a huge relief to Kittie to have George back at home:

There followed a short blessed time. He began working hard on his military books, but the remaining picture of him at that time is sitting on a long low chair in the corner of the drawing room with his legs up — knitting, this time a wonderful white and pale blue quilt of elaborate patterns for his God-daughter Elizabeth Pym, aged a few months — talking to his friends who flocked up to see him — or at the piano.

However, the fact that George was ‘working hard on his military books’ sounds ominous and worrying for her…

Next entry: The sexiest couple in Europe

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22 November 1914

It is Sunday, and presumably a quiet time at Sussex Lodge Hospital, so George Calderon writes to the Sturge Moore children:

Dear Riettte and Dan,

Thanks for your interesting letters — and to Mrs Moore too. I hope to be home in a day or two; my foot is nearly well and no longer hurts.

I have a Scotchman and a Belgian in the beds next to me. The Belgian can talk Flemish, Walloon and French. He had a friend in the army; another major. They lived next door to each other in Brussels. They lost sight of each other; they were wounded the same day in different parts of the field of battle; and by mere chance, were brought over by the same boat and train, and put in the same room in the same hospital. One has gone now, and one remains, spelling out the Daily Mail with the help of a dictionary.

We have a splendid pianola in the next room, which plays pieces exactly as Paderewski and other great pianists have played them. It works by electricity. We only press a button and listen.

Field Marshal Calderon

Riette (Henriette Hélène Rebecca) Sturge Moore was born on 17 June 1907 and died on 26 September 1995. She became a theatre designer, teacher, and interior decorator.

Daniel Sturge Moore was born in 1905, had a daughter Charmian, and that is unfortunately all I know of him.

‘Mrs Moore’ was née Marie Appia and related to the theatrical innovator Adolphe Appia. She was a cousin of Thomas Sturge Moore, whom she married in 1903.

‘Paderewski’ is Ignacy Jan Paderewski (1860-1941), pianist, composer, and subsequently prime minister of Poland.

This letter is published by kind permission of Historic Collections, Senate House Library, University of London. It is item MS978/1/2/11 in the Thomas Sturge Moore Papers.

Next entry: Home

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Polymaths, or dilettantes?

It is intriguing that in his memoir Sturge Moore should refer to George only as a ‘scholar’ (see yesterday’s post). They had both written plays, George rather more successfully than Moore, and they had both been active in 1910 in trying to reform the Stage Society, which in George’s opinion was ‘deceived by bad stuff and faded progressiveness’. Moore was very appreciative of Calderon’s translations of Chekhov’s plays.

After my phrase ‘Edwardian in his polymathy’ yesterday, I had intended to write ‘or as some would say dilettantism’, but forgot. I am sure this was a ‘Freudian slip’ caused by the fact that the subject is so tricky! The polymathy/amateurism/dilettantism of the Edwardians is a major theme of my biography of George Calderon, but it is a quagmire of a subject. It seems profoundly unfashionable today, of course. Why did the Edwardians believe in it? Why do they appear to have spread themselves so thinly?

Briefly, as I see it there has never been a period in the life of Britain when democracy, pluralism, polyphony, were so vibrant, individualistic and out on the street as 1901-14. They nearly blew the country apart. The Edwardians’ belief in versatility was a correlative to this. It often took the form of polymathy, but their real belief was that one should pursue interests not for money (‘professionally’) but for the sheer love of them (‘amateurly’). Unfortunately, given the level of affluence among the upper classes, this often appeared to mean merely for pleasure/leisure.

But central to their amateurism was the notion of ‘play’, rather in the sense expressed by Friedrich Schiller: ‘The only time people are entirely free is when they are playing.’ The polymathic, ‘amateurly’ credo of a George Calderon, C.B. Fry or Robert Falcon Scott was a belief in their freedom as individuals, in self-fulfilment. As Moore so rightly put it, Calderon had ‘a zest for play’.

Until quite recently, one-occupation ‘professionalism’ has ruled the roost. You were a ‘serious professional’ at one thing and the rest of your interests were ‘hobbies’. Perhaps, though, with our multi-tasking and ‘portfolio careers’, we can appreciate better today why the Edwardians thought as they did; why being an ‘all-rounder’ was their ideal.

Next entry: 22 November 1914

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Visitors and ‘victory’

The fact that Calderon wrote to Daniel and Henriette Sturge Moore on Sunday 22 November 1914, but not, as far as we know, to their parents, implies that their parents actually visited George in hospital. This is in any case very likely, as the Sturge Moores had been George and Kittie’s neighbours at 40 Well Walk ever since the latter moved into number 42 in December 1912, and were extremely fond of them. In a memoir of Calderon, Tom Sturge Moore wrote:

No-one ever had more perfect neighbours than the Calderons. Yet even at the time of his death I had not realized what a profound and hard-working scholar he was, for he always seemed at leisure and I accepted this trait very much as our children did without looking behind it. His zest for play and his abundant invention for ways and plans to delight them never went to sleep.

Moore — poet, wood-engraver, translator, playwright, critic, aesthete — is as Edwardian in his polymathy as George and every bit as unfashionable. His work was always good, but hardly (as they say) sets the world on fire. Doubtless its time will come again.

Other visitors George had now could have included his seventy-eight-year-old mother Clara; Nina and Reginald Astley, since Jim Corbet had recovered from his wound and was temporarily stationed at Windsor; William Caine the humorist, with whom George had collaborated earlier in the year on the pantomime The Brave Little Tailor; George’s GP and fellow trio-player Dr Albert Tebb; Kittie’s lifelong friend Louise Rosales, who was married to George’s and Fokine’s friend the sculptor Manolo Ordoño de Rosales; and various military acquaintances from the Blues and Inns of Court Regiment.

Meanwhile, at Ypres there were hard frosts and even blizzards. About 700 men a day in I Corps were falling sick. There was very little military activity, although the Germans continued to shell Ypres and the Cloth Hall was destroyed. Today, 20 November 1914, Allied intelligence finally detected the movement of German troops to the Eastern Front. The BEF officially declared the battle for Ypres over on 22 November.

‘The First Battle of Ypres was an undoubted allied victory: the Germans had poured forth blood in the winter’s final attempt to achieve a strategic breakthrough on the Western Front, and they had failed.’

This is the view of Max Hastings in Catastrophe: Europe Goes to War 1914, and it was the view at the time. A music hall song, ‘Belgium Put the Kibosh on the Kaiser’, became very popular — but not for long.

Next entry: Polymaths, or Dilettantes?

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‘Alle Strassen münden in schwarze Verwesung’

Apparently it was in November 1914 that Edward Thomas, with the encouragement of Robert Frost, began to write modern poems. I have known the ‘anthology poems’ of Thomas since I was a teenager, but now I am reading all his poems chronologically in the Collected Poems and War Diary, 1917 (Faber, 2004). I’ve been struck by the last poem in ‘Poems 1914’, entitled ‘The Hollow Wood’. It begins:

Out in the sun  the goldfinch flits
Along the thistle-tops, flits and twits
Above the hollow wood
Where birds swim like fish —

The wood appears to be ‘hollow’ in the sense that from above, where the goldfinch is, it is leafless, or ‘pale’ from a few leaves left, and hence a kind of wicker cage in which the other birds can be seen, but for Thomas like an aquarium where these birds ‘swim like fish’.

It is strange, but not surprising, that one immediately relates this image to Thomas’s (yet to come) experience of war. The bare wood is like the fairly small woods all around Ypres in November 1914, such as Nonnebosschen, Sanctuary Wood, or indeed Bulgar Wood where the sniper hid who wounded George Calderon on 29 October. The stripped, dead, brittle, and then devastated wood is a potent image in much war poetry. Moreover, ‘the hollow wood’ in Thomas’s poem already has disturbed and disturbing features: the fish that the birds are compared to ‘laugh and shriek’, the base of these trees is covered in baleful ‘lichen, ivy, and moss’, some trees are ‘half-flayed and dying’, others already ‘dead […] on their knees’. It seems a foretaste of Arras.

Woods — small woods, classically ‘groves’ — feature often in the poems of Georg Trakl, who for me is possibly the most disturbing and beautiful of the war poets. His ‘Grodek’ (October 1914) begins:

At evening the autumn woods resound
With deadly weapons, the golden plains
And blue lakes, which the sun
Darker rolls over; the night embraces
Dying warriors, the wild keening
Of their broken mouths.

The quintessence of the landscape and of the War is rendered in Trakl’s line:

Alle Strassen münden in schwarze Verwesung.

(‘All roads flow into black putrescence.’)

Next entry: Visitors and ‘visitors’

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Nuts and bolts

By and large, I believe readers don’t want to hear about the nuts and bolts of writing biography (the ‘difficulties’), they want to read the biography. However, readers of this blog may be interested in a typical example…

I know from Kittie Calderon’s memoirs that George arrived at Sussex Lodge Hospital with his shattered fibula on 1 November 1914. But when did he leave?

We have searched the regimental records and the hospital records (the latter have just come into the public domain), but there is no mention of a discharge date there.

Kittie does not give a date, although she implies it was longer rather than shorter. That actually is significant.

There is a letter from George to his neighbour Thomas Sturge Moore’s children dated ‘Sunday’, in which he says he will be home ‘in a day or two’. So that could have been written on Sunday 15 November 1914. However, we have a letter written to George by Will Rothenstein on 18 November (I can’t quote it as it’s still in copyright). That looks as though it’s in reply to George’s undated letter about Alice Rothenstein’s visit to the hospital, which was much earlier (see my post of 4 November) . It’s a fair assumption, especially given its content, that Rothenstein’s letter was addressed to George in hospital. So Rothenstein knew George would still be in hospital when he received it on 19/20th?

This hypothesis has to be triangulated with the two other dates we have for November: 1) Michel and Vera Fokine visited him at home in the second half of the month on their way to Norway and Russia, 2) George attended the baptism of Mary Elizabeth Pym at Brasted on Sunday 29 November because he was her godfather (although it seems close to his coming out of hospital, she herself told me in 1986 that George was there).

It looks, therefore, on balance, that the ‘Sunday’ on which George wrote to the Sturge Moore children was later rather than earlier, i.e. must have been 22 November 1914. Adding on the ‘one or two days’ before he came out, that suggests he came out on Tuesday 24th and the Fokines visited him shortly after.

Tedious, but necessary!

Next entry: ‘Alle Strassen münden in schwarze Verwesung’

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Zillebeke Churchyard Cemetery

This week I have received and read Jerry Murland’s 2010 book Aristocrats Go to War: Uncovering the Zillebeke Churchyard Cemetery. Nothing, I think, could evoke so strongly the character and ethos of the men George Calderon was with at Ypres in 1914. It is a gripping read, 180+ pages long, very well illustrated, and written by an ex-Parachute Regiment soldier who knows about war. I warmly recommend it.

Unsurprisingly, George doesn’t appear in it, but the interpreter who took over from him after 15 October, the twenty-seven-year-old Baron Alexis de Gunzburg, does. He was called down to Windmill Hill Camp in September like George, but promptly sent back to London to get himself naturalised, as it was discovered he wasn’t a British subject! Fast-tracking his naturalisation wasn’t difficult given his family’s connections, which included Winston Churchill, who was also Colonel Gordon Wilson’s nephew by marriage…

Very appositely, for my purposes, Murland describes Gunzburg thus:

De Gunzburg was appointed as a non-combatant officer; he had received no military training and consequently did not bear arms. In many ways he was typical of the mood of the time, determined not to miss this great adventure and anxious to play his part before it was all over.

I also understand now, from Murland’s copious references to Colonel Wilson, why George admired/loved the man so much. He was clearly an exemplary and charismatic Edwardian officer-gentleman of the ‘old’ professional army. Not only had he helped foil an assassination attempt on Queen Victoria when he was still a sixteen-year-old Etonian, won the Grand National in 1892, and been A.D.C. to Baden-Powell throughout the Siege of Mafeking, he was, in Murland’s words, a ‘strategically able, good cavalry commander and first-class manager of men and resources’. It is a compliment to George, then, that Wilson originally chose him as his Interpreter.

Wilson and Gunzburg are buried with sixteen of their comrades in the cemetery at Zillebeke, a mile or so from where they were killed on 6 November and only a couple of miles from where I think George Calderon was wounded.

Today, 15 November 1914, the first snow fell in Flanders.

Next entry: Nuts and bolts

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14 November 1914

Kittie must have brought newspapers and new books into hospital for George, because today at ‘Far End’, Kingham, Chipping Norton, the novelist Anne Douglas Sedgwick was writing him a long letter thanking him for one from him that congratulated her on her recently published novel The Encounter. Clearly he had been writing from hospital:

How splendid to have an injured leg! How we envy you! I hope that we shall hear everything that has happened to you before very long and I hope that the leg is too badly injured to allow you to go back again! (That is a hope for us, I know, and not one that you will share.) We’ve been able to do almost nothing and what we accepted as a burden — a couple of Belgians as guests — has turned out a delight.

Judging from her letter, Sedgwick was slightly gauche. The subject of George’s ‘Blighty Wound’ (i.e. one sufficiently serious to send him home, but not life-threatening) was a delicate one. When he left the ‘field ambulance’ on the night of 29 October other soldiers practically congratulated him on getting it. It raised the whole question of whether he was going to return to the Front or call it a day.

Calderon must have gone into some detail about the merits of Sedgwick’s novel, because she responds in detail. She was glad that he ‘liked it and felt for it exactly what I hoped readers would feel’. However, he evidently had not yet had the energy to read it to the end. He was in the habit of writing to younger writers (e.g. Rupert Brooke in 1913) to encourage them. Sedgwick was actually forty-one, but an attractive American woman, and George had always found American women interesting since having an American girl friend at Oxford. In his satirical novel Downy V. Green Miss Cheney, ‘a typical American girl in mind and body’, and her formidable mother, are very positively presented compared with the English parasol airhead Miss Ada Shelmerdine.

Sedgwick was married to Basil de Sélincourt (1877-1966), an essayist and expert on William Blake. She closed her letter with: ‘Basil sends you his love and is as pleased as Punch with your letter!’

In actual fact, the de Sélincourts did not restrict their war effort to taking in Belgian refugees: both became volunteer workers in hospitals and orphanages in France.

At Ypres, the Germans had attacked the French IX Corps on 12-13 November and today were also fighting Smith-Dorrien’s II Corps. But German troops were already being sent secretly from Ypres to the Eastern Front in response to desperate pleas for help.

Next entry: Zillebeke Churchyard Cemetery

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Kittie’s therapy

‘So as to help him pass the day in hospital’, Kittie taught George to knit. He ‘at once grasped the possibilities offered by plain and pearl’ and started to knit a muffler, which became ‘a network of intricate patterns that he invented as he went along’. In the middle of the muffler he knitted a short piece of plain with ‘a little pot or “cauldron” in the centre, as his signature’. The link between ‘Calderon’ and ‘cauldron’ is in the Calderon coat of arms. As Kittie explained, it contains ‘five little cauldrons with flags in them — which signified that in some very early wars of Spain the Calderon of that day brought five companies of men each a hundred strong and victualled them’.

Calderon Crest

Basic form of the Calderon coat of arms

Because ‘Calderon’ is such a common Spanish name (some claim it is the equivalent of ‘Pot’, or ‘Tinker’, i.e. cauldron-maker), there are numerous forms of the family escutcheon. The above is the core design, described in the 1753 family history as (in George’s father’s translation): ‘Five Calderons (cauldrons) sable on field or (others say argent) and for bordure eight St Andrew’s Crosses on field gules […] with five standards gules above the handles of the Cauldrons.’

It may be recalled that on 18 October 1914 George had referred to an ancestor’s friendship with St Francis of Assisi. But such mentions of his lineage are extremely rare, as George considered himself an Englishman through and through. The sudden appearance of the cauldron on the muffler is therefore interesting. It may be the origin of what can only be called the posthumous ‘mythology’ of George’s self-sacrifice — a mythology that was, however, a real comfort to those whom he left behind.

Today, 11 November 1914, the Germans launched attacks all along the Ypres front. This was in fact the climax of the First Battle of Ypres. They broke through the British line in numerous places and the situation became critical again. However, desperate counterattacks, notably at Nonnebosschen Wood, restored the front by nightfall.

Next entry: 14 November 1914

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‘He downright cried’

One of the many symptoms of acute stress disorder is ‘hyperarousal’, e.g. irritability and outbursts of anger.

About now, whilst Kittie was with him, Calderon learned that Colonel Wilson had been killed on 6 November:

George was in hospital when the news came that he was killed. He was still very weak and when he heard it he downright cried — he saw I was upset by his crying, it was so unlike him, and he said quite angrily, ‘Why on earth shouldn’t I cry?’

I noticed that his heart went out to others in a way it had not done before the War — I think he really loved those men he was most with for that short time in Flanders. Captain Fitzgerald, Lord Anglesey, Mr MacIntosh are the names that specially stood out.

Even Kittie, with all her experience of nursing soldiers and of stress in others, was taken aback by her husband crying ‘downright’, i.e. ‘actually’, ‘unashamedly’, ‘unrestrainedly’. It was ‘so unlike him’… It was presumably unlike Edwardian males generally. But she put her finger on the reason. As Santanu Das has written in his powerful Touch and Intimacy in First World War Literature (CUP, 2008, p. 136):

The myth of heroic masculinity fostered through the works of Rider Haggard  and Rudyard Kipling and encouraged through the public school sporting system exploded in the mud and blood of the Western Front. A very different order of male experience, one that accommodated fear, vulnerability, support and physical tenderness, sprang up in its place.

Kittie had much more to say about this phenomenon later, and was very perceptive about it. We shall return to the subject next year.

Next entry: Kittie’s therapy

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Remembrance

I wrote a piece for the parish magazine of my home town, Sandwich in Kent, about Laurence Binyon’s visit there in 1921 (see www.stclementschurchsandwich.org.uk and follow links to ‘The Signal’), and I’ve just received my copy. The issue, for November, is dedicated in a most sensitive and balanced way to Remembrance — mainly of the fallen in the First World War, but in other wars too.

I must confess, though, that when I saw the cover I experienced not so much remembrance as ‘vivid remindment’, or ‘acute revisualisation’, or ‘painful re-enactment’.

The photo shows the beautiful little marble memorial in St Clement’s Church, ‘To the Glory of God and in loving memory of Parishioners and Members of the Congregation of this Church who gave their lives in the Great War 1914-1918.’ I ran my eye down the twenty-seven names and immediately recognised many of the surnames. Of course, I grew up with some of their close relatives. But what made me wince was suddenly recalling being with my grandfather, nearly sixty years ago, when he was talking to a friend he had been with in the First World War and they recalled some of these very men, whom they had known and who had not come back. I remember the silence after they named them, the strange way they looked into the distance, at ‘nothing’. I was too young then to understand, but I now vividly remember that silence and those looks.

I daresay my attitude towards the ‘Great War’ has involuntarily seeped through this blog since I started it in July. Despite David Owen’s fascinating new book, The Hidden Perspective: The Military Conversations 1906-1914, which argues that ‘war in 1914 was far from inevitable, and instead represented eight years of failed [British] diplomacy’, I am with Fritz Fischer, say, or Adrian Gregory, Max Hastings, Jeremy Paxman, Gary Sheffield and others, in believing that the war was unprovoked, planned aggression by the Kaiserreich. If democracy and liberalism were to survive in Europe (that means Britain too), the German army had to be defeated. We owe our freedom now to every single soldier who gave his life in the effort, mismanaged as it sometimes was, to achieve that.

I find their self-sacrifice completely humbling and overwhelming. This is why for me one of the most powerful war poems will always be Owen’s ‘Greater Love’. The ambiguity of the final line — ‘Weep, you may weep, for you may touch them not’ — is almost unbearably beautiful: of course, we cannot touch them physically (they are ‘gone’), but neither can we touch, in the sense of attain to, equal, the greatness of their love for us. The view that this is a ‘homoerotic’ poem is strained. The text behind the title could not be clearer: ‘Greater love hath no man than this, that a man lay down his life for his friends’ (St John 15, v. 13), meaning all ‘others’ whom a person loves. They loved those nearest them, but they also loved their ‘own’, the British people, and by implication, even, the other peoples whose freedom they were fighting for.

I have been away from the blog for a few days, but this reminds me of my post on 31 October (‘Complex, yes’) and Clare Hopkins’ fine comment on it. Remembering now the whole story of George Calderon’s military involvement since 4 August 1914, I see it differently; more objectively, I hope. It was an extraordinary, consciously and brilliantly manoeuvred achievement on George’s part to get from rejection by the Inns of Court Regiment on 3 August to participation as a combatant in the hottest spot on the Western Front on 29 October 1914. That alone deserves admiration. Whether he was an asset there or not, one cannot deny that he put himself directly in the firing line.

Equally, we should recognise that on this occasion ‘someone was looking after him’. He could well have been killed when the fighting began in earnest at Ypres on 20 October, but his medical problem whisked him away in time. Similarly, if he had not been wounded by the sniper on 29 October, but had moved on with the 2nd Battalion of the Royal Warwickshire Regiment, he would almost certainly have been killed with the rest of them when their trenches behind Zandvoorde were shelled next day.

Without wishing to preempt anything, I should perhaps also say that the George Calderon who joined another regiment in January 1915 seems almost a different man from the Interpreter of October 1914, and that was partly because of the experience of battle he had gained at Ypres and the experience of recovering from acute stress disorder — a process to which we must now return.

Next entry: ‘He downright cried’

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The ‘Godfather in War’ visits

As Kittie put it, Calderon’s ‘great wish on getting back was to see Colonel Hedley and triumph over him’. (For Coote Hedley, see my post of 26 August.) The reason for this was that, in Kittie’s words, ‘on some occasion when George was being especially importunate about some way of becoming a combatant, Colonel Hedley had summed the matter up definitely thus: “My dear fellow, unless it comes to a nation in arms you’ll never be accepted as a combatant”.’

It seems likely that Hedley went to visit George in hospital about now.

Great therefore was [George’s] triumph to be able to tell him that within two months of that speech he had been given a combatant commission on the Field with the 2nd Royal Warwicks.

Also he wanted badly to tell him all about ‘his battle’ (the 1st battle of Ypres) and it was a blow to both of them that the doctor said he must not be encouraged to talk about the battle — it was too exciting.

I was able to show the X-ray of George’s leg to my GP yesterday. His opinion was that the bullet went clean through; the X-ray (‘high quality’) was not made on 30 October but probably in London; and the most likely immediate problem was infection. There would be a lot of bed-rest and George would walk with a slight limp for some time after.

After shelling British and French positions in Zwarteleen woods for several days, the Germans made a massive attempt to break the line there today, 6 November 1914, and bring themselves within 3000 yards of Ypres. The area was about a mile from where George was wounded. It was a comparable crisis to that at Gheluvelt on 1 November. Kavanagh, at Sanctuary Wood, ordered units of the 7th Cavalry Brigade to counterattack, including the Blues. The Germans were driven back through the woods, but in a mêlée at dusk a German machine gun opened up in advance of their line and Colonel Gordon Wilson was killed instantly, together with his Interpreter, Alexis de Gunzburg. They are both buried at Zillebeke Churchyard Cemetery.

Next entry: Remembrance

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5 November 1914

Today a long advertisement appeared in the Times Literary Supplement for Chapman & Hall’s ‘Latest List’. Top of the column was ‘The Final Word on Tolstoy, the Man: REMINISCENCES OF TOLSTOY. By His Son, Count Ilya Tolstoy’. The book had been translated by George Calderon in the first half of 1914, serialised in the Fortnightly Review (owned by Chapman & Hall) between June and September, and published in the last fortnight as a handsome illustrated volume. In this particular advertisement, George was not named as the translator, although he was subsequently.

There were few reviews of the book, because it did not need them. The Russian original had been published in Berlin in 1913 and an English translation was awaited by readers worldwide. It was simultaneously published in the United States. It would have been normal for a translator to be paid only a fee, but George was ‘more’ than a translator: a writer in his own right, an eminent  Russianist who had written about Tolstoi, and the first published translator of Chekhov’s plays (1912). Probably, then, as with Grant Richards’s edition of Chekhov, George had a contract for a royalty on sales. It was a good earner.

Reminiscences of Tolstoy is a superb translation that has stayed in print for a century. It is informed by a deep knowledge of Tolstoi’s works and his life (Kittie and George were particularly fond of Anna Karenina and War and Peace).  Quite possibly, George himself visited Iasnaia Poliana in 1896. All this enabled him to provide detailed explanatory footnotes to the translation. We would look askance today at the quantity of these, but they were undoubtedly part of George’s contract, and they were praised by reviewers.

The main virtue of the translation, however, is that it is impeccably native, literary English. You feel it was translated by someone with a confident writerly persona of their own. Its register is not limited by ‘dictionary English’: George’s English vocabulary is so open-ended that he can describe the cries of courting woodcock as ‘wheepling’ and ‘horking’, for example, yet the translation is rarely ‘quirky’ as some people find his Chekhov versions. One can be pretty sure that, as his agent, Kittie brought him a copy of the TLS in hospital.

Next entry: The ‘Godfather in War’ visits

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