‘Mrs Alice’s eye-refreshing flowers’

Word was spreading in literary London and beyond that George was back, wounded, from Ypres. One of his closest friends when the Rothensteins lived in Hampstead was the painter William Rothenstein (1872-1945). The Rothenstein family now lived at Far Oakridge, near Stroud in Gloucestershire. Alice came up to London and went to Sussex Lodge Hospital hoping to see George. However, she was able only to leave a bunch of flowers for him. As George wrote Will Rothenstein from hospital some days later, he was ‘not easy enough in limb’ then to do more than send a ‘message’ of thanks to her.

There is something slightly odd about this statement. We know that his wound must have made it difficult, or even impossible, for him to walk, but could Alice Rothenstein not have come and sat by his bed? Perhaps visitors were not received on the wards, but in a special area? The phrase ‘not easy in limb’ sounds fluid, too. Was it a euphemism for not wanting to see visitors; or for being in too emotional a state to receive them?

Next entry: 5 November 1914

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Nurse Katharine

Several people have asked me why ‘Kittie’ is not spelt with a ‘-y’. The answer is that the spelling ‘Kitty’ is reserved for private, more intimate use, for example between Kittie and George, Kittie and Nina (‘Dinah’) Corbet, Kittie and Constance (‘Connie’) Sutton. ‘Kitty’ long predates Louis Wain’s anthropomorphised cat drawings and cat stories, but I don’t think there is much doubt that it was closely associated in Edwardians’ ears with the diminutive/affectionate form of ‘kitten’. This would explain why George signed himself ‘Peter’, drawing on one occasion a tom-cat underneath: ‘Peter’ was the cat-hero of many of Louis Wain’s early published works. But for polite, upper-class use as a name it had to be changed to ‘Kittie’. Although George used ‘Kitty’ in his love letters, therefore, his 1904 novel  Dwala was dedicated to ‘Kittie’.

But even ‘Kittie’ would have been far too familiar for soldier patients addressing a VAD nurse of her social position. She would have been at most ‘Katharine’, and more likely ‘Mrs Calderon’ (this was how some wrote to her after they were discharged), or ‘sister’.

It was an absolute boon for George Calderon that for a ‘few days’ after he was admitted to hospital in London he was allowed to see only his wife as a visitor — and he probabaly knew it. Kittie’s powers as a listener and a therapist were famous. Moreover, by now she was presumably used to caring for wounded soldiers. On her first visit, she had seen George become ‘over-excited’ talking to his brother Fred. We know from later statements that the medical staff at Sussex Lodge Hospital counselled George against talking about ‘the battle’ (i.e. the first day of the Battle of Gheluvelt that he had experienced). But George had already said in his letters that he couldn’t wait to tell her about everything and everyone he had seen in Belgium, so he undoubtedly did, volubly and humorously. Whereas his Edwardian doctors thought it best to suppress the memories, acute stress disorder therapists today might think the opposite.

In any case, Kittie was George Calderon’s ultimate ‘other’. He had to communicate to her everything that was in his heart and on his mind. As she wrote later, of their pre-War life:

He seemed acutely conscious all the time that one was there — and to need one to be there — with the result that I hardly ever went away even for a day when he was at home. He at once seemed to feel left and lost. Of course I did not want to go away. I only say this to show how closely natural life held him though seemingly up to the eyes in ideas, work, and play.

So we will leave them to themselves for a ‘few days’…

Next entry: ‘Mrs Alice’s eye-refreshing flowers’

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1 November 1914

Since Kittie recalled receiving a telegram ‘one Sunday morning’ saying ‘Home wounded, shot through ankle’, it probably was on 1 November 1914 that George arrived at Sussex Lodge Hospital, 27 Sussex Place, Regent’s Park, which is now the home of the Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynaecology. This was extremely efficient: on average it took five days to get a wounded man from the Front to a hospital in ‘Blighty’, and for Jim Corbet at the Marne in September it had taken eleven.

Having received the telegram with address and visiting hours, Kittie set off from Hampstead to bring the news to George’s mother, Clara, at 11 Hill Road in St John’s Wood. There she found George’s younger brother Fred, who had signed up in Canada on 23 September and was passing through London on his way to the Front. She took Fred with her to visit George:

I found him very alert — in spite of all he had been through. [Fred] also saw him there that day. This was an immense pleasure, he was devoted to Fred and they had not met for years. But it all rather over-excited him and he was allowed to see no-one but me for a few days after.

The wound may not have been healing very fast. But he was clearly experiencing considerable emotional turmoil as well.

Yesterday at Ypres the British lines were pierced and the situation became critical. It was saved by a famous charge by the 2nd Worcesters at Gheluvelt, by small groups fighting to the last man, and by the superb manoeuvrability of the French. Today, however, the Germans captured strategic ridges at Messines and Wytschaete.

Next entry: Nurse Katharine

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Complex, yes

Today, Saturday 31 October 1914, George Calderon was presumably travelling in a hospital train to one of the Channel ports. The day is a black hole in his biography, but as Kittie remembered it he arrived in London on 1 November.

It is an unspeakable relief to be off the battlefield. I have been submerged in histories, studies, maps, diaries of the war, since the end of July. The disadvantage of the timeline approach I chose for this blog is that I have come to ‘live’ the war and George’s experience of it, day by day. And it has ‘got’ to me. The massed slaughter and mutilation, the material destruction, the relentless stupidity of it all, begin to depress you, then oppress you. Come last weekend, when we were working on the Battle of Gheluvelt, I literally wanted to shout with Siegfried Sassoon, ‘O Jesus, make it stop!’

Then reading and re-reading Calderon’s letters day by day has revealed things about him that I did not know, and certainly was not expecting to discover this late in writing his biography. Of course, as a 45-year-old writer/scholar completely unused to military action, he was under great stress; one should not underestimate that. Within a week of arriving in Belgium he was also displaying a potentially life-threatening medical symptom. Even so, some of the aspects of his character revealed here are challenging.

An historian said to me, ‘I find Laurence Binyon’s war effort far more impressive. Instead of prancing about on a horse like Calderon, he went and washed floors and attended the wounded in a military hospital.’ Indeed, there does seem to be an element of exhibitionism in all George’s military doings since arriving on Salisbury Plain, especially in his hyperactivity 27-29 October. The other officers may have regarded his unilateral efforts to catch snipers as a liability, and himself as a ‘plonker’ when he got shot. As he was being stretchered out of the field ambulance on the night of 29 October, he heard a wounded officer inquire whether it was ‘that cheery cove’. George quotes this as a compliment, but I’m not so sure. What is one to make of his claim (29 October) that interpreting work was ‘too hard’, when he had repeatedly told Kittie he had nothing to do?

Again, we should not forget the stress Calderon was under. But there is more evidence in these letters from Belgium that he was bipolar than anywhere else in the biographical material. I am inclined to think that Kittie suppressed letters both from Belgium and before in which George was specific about his depression. On two occasions, 1904 and 1906, he certainly suffered from acute ‘nervous exhaustion’.

Perhaps the biggest surprise, however, is the nastiness of some of his language. It occasionally takes a homicidal turn (‘let him be hanged on a high gallows in Whitehall’). In Calderon’s fiction, for example Dwala, one reads this as satiric anger. There is no evidence of intemperate, corrosive language in any other personal letters of his that have survived. However, perceived nastiness was precisely what people did not like about George in the Stage Society and in the anti-suffrage movement — that is well documented.

In my post on 28 October I did not have room to quote a long paragraph in his letter of that day, describing a search that he initiated and led of a neighbouring farmhouse where the peasants were hanging up tobacco in an outhouse. He had become ‘d—–d  suspicious about these poor suffering Belges’ in general, and had ‘a telepathic suspicion’ about these ‘nasty shady-looking’ peasants in particular. He believed that a lot of the sniping came from the Flemings themselves. He did not find anything at the farmhouse, but was evidently pleased that they were ‘devilish frightened at my visiting the tobacco shed’. ‘They’re an ignorant selfish boorish crew, all over here’, he told Kittie.

It is tempting to think that Calderon had become paranoid, but as he said earlier ‘nobody in the British army trusts them [the Flemings] an inch’. Some of the local peasants were arrested for spying, but it sounds to me that the suspicion of them sniping at British troops is of a piece with the Germans’ obsession with ‘francs tireurs’, which led them to commit mass executions of civilians in France and Belgium. I do not know that any historian has got to the bottom of whether such snipers ever existed.

Many of George’s actions and pronouncements at the Front I find exasperating. Certainly I can see the historian’s point about comparing him with Binyon. In a word, was Calderon just ‘pissing about’ as a soldier?

It may look like this at times, but I would refer you back to my post of 18 September. The one consistent and impressive thing about the whole period 8-30 October is his writing. As a follower emailed me a few days ago, it is almost incredible how often and how much he wrote to Kittie (and remember that there were other letters, now lost). This could not have been easy.  Ranks watching him, and the censor, must have realised he was a professional writer. Towards the end, he was so stressed that he repeated himself in the same sentence and misspelt words, both of which are almost unheard of in him. But he kept writing, and there is plenty of wit, elegance and vivid observation in his letters. You feel in places that he is writing for the record. I have no doubt that if he had come through the war he would have used the letters to write a book.

In his TLS blog post Michael Caines described George as ‘complex, versatile and restless’. One is used to Edwardians being versatile, restless, amateur, or dilettante, say, but complex? It was very perceptive of Caines, after (presumably) a relatively short acquaintance with George, to conclude this. ‘Did one human body ever hold quite so simple yet quite so complex a soul?’, wrote Kittie in her memoirs.

His complexity is a function of his genius.

Next entry: 1 November 1914

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30 October 1914

Percy Lubbock says that Calderon was writing today from ‘a casualty clearing station’, but George himself calls it ‘the hospital’. Whichever it was, it presumably had X-ray facilities, because in the X-ray below the damage looks sufficiently fresh for the image to have been made today, possibly in the very early hours of the morning (George arrived at the hospital at midnight, 29 October). I shall ask my medical consultant how he interprets this image. Kittie inscribed it on the back as made ‘in Flanders’. To me it looks as though the bullet has been extracted and had entered from back left, but it’s just as likely it passed out of the other side. We don’t know, of course, how far, on his return sprint to his company, George was from the wood where the Germans had been earlier. (Bulgar Woods, Klein Zillebeke?)

X-ray of Calderon's left lower leg 30 October 1914.

X-ray of Calderon’s left lower leg 30 October 1914

The fibula is not weight-bearing, but George would not have been able to walk unaided yesterday because of the pain of the wound (greater than he made out to Kittie) and loss of stability. There would have been blood loss, and muscle tissue would have been injured. The immediate danger, however, was of infection. He may have been given morphine last night, the bullet may have been extracted if it was still there, the wound cleaned, and sterile dressings promptly applied.

This morning he was being very well cared for:

I’m sitting up on the floor in my muddy uniform, which has got dry in the night, unshaven, but washed where it shows, by an orderly — after tea (about a quart), fried bacon, peppermints and cigarettes, for which […] be blessed the kind donors who send them across as gifts.

He was in the middle of a letter to Kittie at least 1700 words long. The general impression it gives is of someone on a high. ‘I really haven’t had a moment’s depression’, he writes, ‘since I joined the regiment [24 hours ago], though I was pretty low-spirited before, with nothing to do.’ This seems to say it all.

Today was the day that the massive Army Group Fabeck went into action.

At 6.45 a.m. it began its bombardment, concentrating particularly around Zandvoorde. Although the German troops thought the bombardment was inadequate, they succeeded in occupying the village three hours later. The Brigadier-General to whom George had reported yesterday, S.T.B. Lawford, sent two of his battalions of Royal Warwickshires up to retake it. George’s battalion, the 2nd, was presumably one of them. They were driven back by heavy machine-gun fire and forced to entrench 1200 yards behind Zandvoorde. The German bombardment resumed.

According to the Royal Warwickshires’ regimental history, by the morning of 31 October many of their trenches had been completely destroyed, with the occupants buried in them.

Next entry: Complex, yes

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29 October 1914: ‘toothache in the ankle’

The German bombardment began at 5.30 a.m. and was concentrated on the Gheluvelt crossroads on the Menin Road (see map below). Falkenhayn’s plan was that having pushed the salient further in here, on 30th a general attack would be unleashed by the Fourth and Sixth Armies, during which an entirely new fighting force, Army Group Fabeck, would punch through the Messines Ridge to Hollebeke, completely breaking the British line. General Fabeck himself believed this would end the battle of Ypres and, even, the war. His six divisions had been brought down from the north over the previous week under cover of darkness, undetected by British reconnaissance. They meant that 23.5 German divisions were now confronting 11.5 Allied ones.

Gheluvelt crossroads was the junction between the British 1st and 7th Divisions and communications in the thick fog were poor. At 6.30 German troops penetrated the line and an hour later four battalions poured in after them. In fierce hand-to-hand fighting the British troops were forced back. As I Corps brought up reserves, the Germans widened their attack. In the immediate case, this meant the Zandvoorde section held by the 7th Cavalry Brigade and 22nd Infantry Brigade, between which George Calderon was yesterday delicately balanced well behind the lines.

First Battle of Ypres

(Click on map to enlarge.)

George’s letter to Kittie yesterday is the last one from Ypres to have survived in the original. He seems to have written at least two more, extracts from which were published by Percy Lubbock in 1921. The first was given to the censor this morning. Evidently he had been to see his ‘old’ regiment, the Blues, and obtained written permission from them to transfer as Interpreter to the 2nd Battalion of the Royal Warwickshire Regiment.

When I brought the officers of the R.W.R. the note saying I could join them, we altered the function. They were sitting at the roadside in a little group. The regiment has been blown to bits by Black Marias [large German howitzer shells]; about three hundred men remain and about eight officers. A captain commands the battalion. When I brought my note he asked me if I really wanted to interpret. I said No, what I wanted was a fighting job. ‘Then you’re just the man for us; sit down; we’re just reorganising the regiment.’ So I was attached as Junior Subaltern to A Company. The Senior Subaltern is a tired nice hungry boy of 18. (He gave me a Warwickshire badge that he happened to have in his pocket, while we were resting in turnips after a rush.) I went over the road to my billet and burnt my interpreter’s brassard. I was sick of interpreting; the work’s too hard for me. Then we started for the battle. Somebody got me a gun and equipment, and tied on my British warm [army greatcoat] with a bit of string; and off we went.

This would be at about 10.45 this morning, as Thompson Capper, commander of 7th Division, only learned of his line having been forced back at 10.15 (Ian F.W. Beckett, Ypres: The First Battle, 1914, London, Routledge, 2013, p. 149). The Warwickshires had spent the night near Klein Zillebeke, having had to withdraw part of their line under heavy fire at Zandvoorde on 27th. They were now being brought up to reoccupy those trenches, which it seems the Germans themselves had abandoned on 28th. But by 11.30 the order was actually to make contact with the Germans and counter-attack. Continuing in George’s words from his account written on 30 October:

We tootled ahead pretty gaily, flopping down at intervals. There were still British trenches ahead. At last we had just passed the last of them. I and another man trotted on to see what was there and thought we saw Germans on the left, half a mile away, moving in column. We came back and reported, advanced again with the whole crowd, when suddenly bub-bub-bub-bub-bub-brrrrr, from a little square wood fifty yards to our right, a heap of rifle-shooting. At us, if you please. They had let the scouts go and return, and were trying to demolish the thirty. We chucked ourselves flat and slipped into some empty trenches which very conveniently happened to be there. That wood was thick with Germans, who had no right to be there, quite on our side of the battle-field.

George volunteered to fetch help from the regiments behind to clear the wood. He ‘hopped out and ran like a hare’. However, the English and Scots troops he encountered would do nothing, because they were ‘tired out and their nerves shattered by perpetual shell-fire, Black Marias, shrapnel and machine-guns’. George therefore hared off again, almost completing a two-mile circle, when he came across a general and his staff ‘leaning over a five-barred gate’. He gave the general an ‘exact account’ of the front line he had come from, ‘with numbers, points of compass, names of regiments’.

The general told me that he was sure the wood had already been evacuated by the Germans, for a large body of men had gone forward while I was hunting round. So I slung my gun over my shoulder and went forward again over the fields […] towards the spot where I had left my C.O. and the thirty men. There were no shots flying over it; it was perfectly empty; there was not a human being in sight anywhere. When I was half-way across, pip, something whacked my left ankle and knocked me over. I simply, without any pause, rolled as fast as I could, like a rolling-pin and quite as blindly, and I hadn’t rolled over three times before I went pop into a nice newly-cut roadside trench, dug to carry the water off, 18 inches deep and wide.

More shots hit the road where he had first fallen. He ‘rammed’ his head back into the mud as far as possible and achieved complete cover. The time was about 3.30 p.m.

As he lay there, the fighting revved up, although the combatants were not at close quarters. ‘I was slap in the middle of the battle-field, snugly ensconced, but a little anxious. Shrapnel, rifle shots and machine-gun fire fizzed and pipped over my head. They rattled over my head and on the roadway; sometimes I thought they stirred my hair.’  Darkness fell at 5.30. Half an hour later he was found by ‘some delightfully tender-hearted English soldiers’, who carried him until he was met by stretcher-bearers. It was now raining heavily. At 7.30 they reached a farmhouse ‘just where yesterday’s sniper that we couldn’t find was sniping’ — and the sniper took shots at them in the dark. Here he was meant to be collected by a motor ambulance, but it was too dangerous for ambulances to come the extra mile.  At 10.30, then, the Brigadier-General of 22nd Brigade, who George presumed was the one he had met that afternoon, sent his own car to drive George seven miles to a casualty clearing station.  Obviously, this was well out of Ypres.

Whilst he had been lying in the mud, George had found that his wound ‘was not so very painful, about equal to toothache in the ankle’.

Some people have said to me that there is nothing unusual about this expression, but there is only one place that I have ever seen anything like it in print. On 14 May 1890 O.S. Chekhov wrote to his family on his journey to Sakhalin that he had been attacked by ‘acute toothache in my heels’ (he feared it was frostbite).  The letter was published in 1907 in one of the symposia about Chekhov that were being brought out then and which Calderon was assiduously reading.  It seems to me quite possible, therefore, that George’s expression is a reminiscence of Chekhov’s.

Next entry: 30 October 1914

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28 October 1914

George wrote his long letter to Kittie today at supper time. There had been two developments during the day that directly led to attaining his object of becoming combatant, but he left them until the end of his letter.

During the morning he reported to Brigade HQ, then walked on a further hundred yards to a field dressing station run by Surgeon-Major Pares of the Blues. He asked Pares for a ‘second opinion’ of his medical condition and Pares evidently examined him.

We could hear a fellow sniping 3 or 400 yards away between us and the British trenches. As I stood at the door, pip came a bullet on the ground, 5 feet away from where I had just been sitting 5 seconds before. I was very indignant. As I was helping two men to carry in some bully-beef a minute later, pip-whiz came two more bullets about us. Feeling very strongly about it, I applied to the same Infantry Regt as the day before, which happened to have moved forward up the road, and again got them to send out a party.

The language is interesting. Are ‘very indignant’ and ‘feeling very strongly about it’ just Edwardian meiosis, or was Calderon hellbent on courting danger?

He went off with eleven members of the Royal Warwickshires under a young subaltern, surrounding the area where they thought the sniper was and examining ‘all the cover on the way and all the empty farmhouses’. When George and others got to the back of the sniper’s position they came on trenches occupied by the Blues. Colonel Gordon Wilson told them he was ‘sure the sniper was in the house we had just ransacked’ and it was agreed to set fire to the house to flush the sniper out. Unfortunately, the smoke ‘drew the enemy’s shrapnel’ (the Germans were only 700 yards away):

They got the range exactly.  I and the two men with me took cover lying on our bellies behind a silo-mound. Shrapnel shells make a loud whining noise, a husky mew on a falling note; then bang, and a shower like hail. The yellow leaves and the green showered down in the garden. Thinking the man had had time to be smoked out and was not there, after 3 shrapnels we bolted behind the burning house, and so, at very good hundred yards pace, across the fields at the back and round to Col. Wilson.

The rest of the party had already left for base, so George and his men did the same, ‘at a pretty good pace, as the shrapnel was sweeping the fields between us and home’. When they were within 200 yards of it,

will you believe it? that same d—-d sniper sent 3 bullets, pip-fizz-whip after us, just as we were getting back after searching for him for two hours or more. Where on earth he can have been hidden all the time, it is impossible to conceive. But he was there, and I could hear him still there this afternoon when I went to report myself to the Brigadier. And yesterday’s sniper is still in the woods near here.

Now he divulged his ‘new plan’ to Kittie. Pares had told him that he was not ‘gouty’ at all, he had ‘an enlarged prostatic gland (and varicose at that) from riding’; so ‘there is nothing wrong with me but the riding’!  He had therefore applied to the Royal Warwickshires to be ‘taken on as their Interpreter’, for ‘I can walk like the devil (and it really was a masterpiece the way I handled that Brigade of two this morning)’. He does not mention consulting the Blues about this plan. ‘The desolation up on the firing line is dreadful’, he tells Kittie, yet she should ‘never feel anxious about anything in the world’…

The most important military events on the Belgian front today were:

1) At three in the afternoon Haig received an intercepted German radio message containing an order to attack the following morning at 5.30.  This was a postponement of the massive new German offensive originally planned for the 28th, which the Allies had not remotely suspected.

2) At high water this evening Belgian engineers succeeded in opening the old Furnes lock at Nieuport, which let the sea in between the Yser and the embankment of the Dixmude-Nieuport railway.  Over the next four days an area 18-21 miles long, 1.75-2.5 miles across, and 3-4 feet deep, was flooded, threatening to cut off the Germans’ rear.  They withdrew to the east bank.

Next entry: 29 October 1914: ‘toothache in the ankle’

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‘Stellenbosched’

For those who know only of Stellenbosch’s fine wines or distinguished university, I should explain that after the Second Boer War the British Army turned it into a verb meaning to park someone military in a job where their incompetence can do no harm.

Today, 27 October 1914, at about noon, ‘Sir John French visited I Corps headquarters at Hooge Château, and decided to place the 7th Division under Sir Douglas Haig; the 3rd Cavalry Division had already been taken out of the IV Corps [on 25 October] and attached to the Cavalry Corps, and there was no object in retaining a corps staff to administer one division’ (Official History of the War, 1925).

Now there was no IV Corps. The unspoken consequence was that its commanding officer, General Rawlinson, had no job. French had taken personal offence, it seems, at Rawlinson telling him the truth by telegraph about the state of the 7th Division (see my post of yesterday), and bore him at least two other big grudges. Rawlinson had insisted he needed an 8th Division to carry on fighting with IV Corps at the front of the salient, so now he and his staff were sent home to organise one.

George Calderon, too, was relegated. In an eleven-page letter that he wrote Kittie on 28th, he explained that today Kavanagh ‘divided his staff into two messes: A. Himself, ADC and people with red bands on their caps, B. those without red on their caps, myself, Supply Officer, and Requisition Officer’. B was two miles further behind the lines than A. Similarly, when George tried moving forward with the Blues, he was ‘turned away’ by the new captain of his old squadron. He had to ‘stump up to A twice or three times a day’, but otherwise ‘I have to fill up the day by inventing jobs for myself’.  Presumably he had no horse because it was still too painful for him to ride.

He turned his attention to a sniper who was firing at targets from nearby woods but had not yet hit anyone.

Got an officer from a quite irrelevant infantry regiment [2nd Battalion of the Royal Warwickshires] that happened to be up the road to send a party under a non. com. to round him up. I went with them as Interpreter — with a gun. We beat down the wood, I and 4 men on the left, the rest […] on the right. After half an hour I and the men looked out through a thicket and saw a man with a gun behind a tree, 200 yards away, across the open, in a farm enclosure. We peeped through glasses and couldn’t for the life of us tell if he was German or English. There were others with him chopping or digging. Having no military command, I could take no responsibility; devil of a row unless we had been quite successful. Tried to get in touch with main body of reconnaissance other side of the wood. Found they had gone home. They reported it was ‘some of our men shooting rabbits’. All bunkum. But there was nothing to be done but follow them. I knew from the moment we started that the non. com. meant to do nothing; but it was poor generalship of him to go off without calling his party together. Altogether a poor turnout.

It is a marvellous feature this sniping. Our men suspect the Flemings, nobody in our army trusts them an inch. It is pretty certain that they act as spies. Several have been arrested. 3 just here today; two found hiding under sacks in a loft, a third going off with a notebook full of notes. But no doubt some of them are Germans. Extraordinary courage. Right inside our lines, right among us pip pipping all day from woods and farms.

George had found a job.  If he could not fight at the front, he was going to fight behind it. This was possibly as dangerous. In some people’s eyes, leading a personal campaign to capture or kill invisible snipers must have made him a liability…

It is important to realise that the Allies’ armies were actually under orders to advance. Their infantry tried to, but made little progress. The British Cavalry Corps remained on the defensive, their forward lines in trenches. ‘Some half-hearted attacks made by the enemy were repulsed’, writes the Official History of 27-28 October. No-one on the Allied side knew that it was the lull before the fiercest and most concerted German onslaught yet.

Next entry: 28 October 1914

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26 October 1914

Calderon found Brigadier-General ‘Black Jack’ Kavanagh last night about three miles from the front and presented his letter of recommendation from Kavanagh’s brigade major in Dunkirk. This afternoon he told Kittie the result:

It is not certain that General K. can keep me, as movement by motor car is not always feasible, but, if the worst comes to the worst, I must blue my pay on a cart and a driver rather than get left behind.

The point was, presumably, that it was too painful for him to ride a horse. Where the pain was, he never specifies, but the implication of earlier letters was that it was ‘in the backside’ and ‘urethra’. Neither is there any mention still of a plausible diagnosis.

Reading between the lines, I think George was now politely marginalised as an interpreter. This morning he had nothing to do, so ‘I’m in the sun by the roadside on a chair, studying Flemish’. He had called on the Blues and was ‘delighted’ to see them. ‘I hear that Dick S. was wounded yesterday, but not badly, and is quite happy.’ Evidently the Blues asked him to liaise with the locals:

Village life rather interrupted here. Peasants and women wanting to drift by nearer to the trenches to milk cows, feed pigs, get their bread ‘from my sister’s oven’ and the like. But the ‘doorgang’ [thoroughfare] is ‘verboden’ [prohibited]. I went along half a mile with one man, and it was all quite true. I made him feed his pigs and drive his cows back. We saw a farm catch fire a mile and a half ahead. There was one blazing a little way off last night.

Yesterday was in fact Calderon’s first experience of battle (in the distance) since arriving in Belgium on 8 October.

There was the bang of shells along the low hills to front and sides, like doors slamming and horses kicking in empty barns, bright flashes of the shrapnel bursting in the twilight, distant white puffs of the Jack Johnsons [six-inch German artillery shells], like Grampuses blowing at sea. Dead horses here and there in the fields and at the roadside.

The noise was probably from German artillery pounding the tip of the salient at Kruiseecke. It was being defended by the infantry division of IV Corps, which had now lost 44% of its officers and 37% of its other ranks. Yesterday evening Rawlinson had telegraphed French that IV Corps was ‘only hanging on by our eyelids’.

By this evening the Germans had captured Kruiseecke, not far from the main Menin Road into Ypres.

Next entry: ‘Stellenbosched’

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25 October 1914

George wrote to Kittie this morning from his billet at, presumably, Nieuwkerke:

off this morning on motor trucks with the bully beef. I shall find Gen. Kavanagh tonight. I hope he’ll accept me. Perhaps I shall find the place taken already (Interpreter to 7th Cavalry Brigade, 3rd Cavalry Division).

Here, in French Flanders, I took another lesson last night; from a young woman in a kitchen, while papa and maman sat one on each side of the stove and murmured help every now and then. Quite a different dialect; almost a new language to learn. But not much use, I dare say.

The Germans were continuing to attack the Zandvoorde section of the front. This meant shelling, as the German cavalry later admitted they could not get within 1000 yards of the British cavalry because of the accuracy of their rifle and machine gun fire. German officers actually believed for a while that the British rifle fire was from machine guns. Their own cavalry were not equipped for trench warfare.  But their artillery was relatively accurate.

Both armies found the terrain impossible: small woods, undulating fields, hedges and frequent farmhouses. The Germans used the latter to conceal snipers, with dire effect. The cavalry had, of course, dismounted, and left their horses well back. Dick Sutton found himself in trenches with the Blues on his right. The last entry in his diary for 1914 reads:

October 25. The Germans were very quiet during the morning, but there was occasional sniping. […] We had almost got to think the Germans had retired, but at 2 o’clock they started bombarding us very heavily from several batteries, including one heavy battery. At 3 o’clock a shell burst on the traverse three feet away from me, and a piece of the shell hit me in the thigh. The bombardment lasted until nearly dark. We were relieved at 8 o’clock and I was put in an ambulance and taken to Zillebeke, and from there in a motor ambulance to Ypres.

Sir Richard Vincent Sutton c. 1913

Sir Richard Vincent Sutton
c. 1913

Within a few days he was in London, from where he was moved to his Berkshire home of Benham Valence, a wing of which was soon to become a Red Cross hospital. After a short rest there he was moved to Brinsop Court, where, his mother said, ‘he made a speedy recovery’. It is well worth Googling on Brinsop Court.

Next entry: 26 October 1914

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Another ‘Russian connection’

It is also surprising that in his letter of yesterday Calderon did not mention Captain Fitzgerald, with whom he had shared a hotel room at Ypres. This ‘full-blooded Irishman, black and hairy’ had, we presume, accompanied George to Dunkirk with his injured foot. As Kittie confirms in her memoirs, George got on very well with him. One might have thought, then, that in Dunkirk Fitzgerald lifted his spirits.

Calderon and Fitzgerald had obviously talked of many things, because in his letter of 15 October George writes that Fitzgerald has ‘a Russian-descended Interpreter cousin with the Colonel, named Alexis Gunzberg. I find he is a connection of Baron Gunzberg, Diaghilev’s accomplice. Fancy Fitzgerald a cousin of quelque Baron!’. The Baron referred to here is Dmitri de Gunzberg, who played a murky part in the arrangement of Nijinsky’s marriage that led to the latter’s dismissal from Ballets Russes in 1913.

Just to remind followers, the Surgeon-Major of the Blues, who had helped George with his back problems when he arrived at Windmill Hill Camp in September, was the brother of Bernard Pares, with whom George and other Russianists had worked in setting up the School of Russian Studies at Liverpool University in 1909.

Today, Saturday 24 October 1914, Calderon shared a compartment with five doctors on a transport train travelling towards Ypres. They seem to have got out in the afternoon at Steenwerck, about nine miles from the Front, and gone on to the village of Nieuwkerke by tram. Here George ‘spent the night comfortably’ on a straw mattress in the ‘big loft of a tavern’. The place was milling with soldiers.

Next entry: 25 October 1914

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23 October 1914

Today George wrote to Kittie from Dunkirk. It was his first letter to her for six days. ‘Dearest Mrs P.,’ he began, ‘I haven’t written, because there was nothing very gay to say.’ (See my posts of 29 August, 1 September, 2 October on linguistic matters.)

The surprising thing is that he doesn’t mention what the ‘Hospital base’ has been able to do for him. Did its medical officers simply accept the Ypres nunnery doctor’s diagnosis, that the blood in his urine was caused by gout crystals? If so, did they treat the condition, and how? If not, what was the new diagnosis? What care did he get?

Having as a biographer lived with George Calderon for some time, I feel that he was also depressed. Here he was, after all the excitement of the past month and of actually reaching the Front, suddenly far removed from the fray, ‘beached’ as it were at Dunkirk, in limbo. The haematuria must have been worrying. I am reminded of the low point of his trek round Tahiti in 1906, when he seemed trapped in a force field on the isthmus of Taravao and grew ‘despondent’ and even ‘irresolute’. Working on his travel book Tahiti in the winter of 1913/14, he had written of this moment that ‘the sense of depression close[d] over me, and of the fear of death alone on the seashore, away from England’.

However, he told Kittie that there had been a ‘development’:

As chance would have it two men arrived from the [7th Cavalry] Brigade staff; the Brigade Major and the Brigade Interpreter. I am well enough to go back, but no [sic] to ride. The Brigade Major has therefore appointed me to the Brigade Interpreter’s place; and I go back in an hour, with the supplies.

I have had all the difficulties in the world to find out how to go back. It is nobody’s business. There is no one central place where you can go and find a thing out. You have to trudge down cobbled streets and along cobbled wharfs to and fro to find out for yourself. And even then I don’t know.

But, vaguely, if I go some time this evening somewhere up the line and happen to get into the right train, I shall arrive.

Goodbye. I have had to jettison much good luggage and buy many new things. I have cashed a cheque for ₤5.

P.P.P.

[Pore Peeky Peety]

Back at Ypres, the French today made a desperate attempt to recapture Passchendaele and the Germans concentrated on weakening the 7th Division at Zandvoorde as the prelude to a massive assault planned for close by on the 28th. Dick Sutton, also in the 7th Cavalry Brigade (1st Life Guards), wrote in his diary:

At about 7 a.m. we were sent to relieve the 10th Hussars in the Zandvoorde trenches, but the trenches were being so heavily shelled that it was found impossible to relieve them until dark. We were under shell fire for some time, and our Brigadier-General (Kavanagh) had a lucky escape, as a shell burst close to him, one bullet going through his coat.

Next entry: Another ‘Russian connection’

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Kittie

Most unusually, Kittie Calderon appears not to have gone to stay with friends at all since George embarked for Belgium on 6 October. We know this because the envelopes of George’s letters show that her housekeeper, Elizabeth Ellis, did not have to redirect any of them to, for example, Foxwold (the Pyms’ home), Acton Reynald (the Corbets’ estate), or Brinsop Court (Constance Sutton’s residence).

Kittie was probably fully occupied by her work as a VAD (see my post for 1 August) and the fact that she now had three male refugees from Antwerp staying in the house. ‘Our small house [five storeys!] was full to overflowing,’ she wrote later, ‘even George’s dressing room and study were commandeered.’ She also had lots of local friends, for instance the poet Sturge Moore’s family next door, the Masefields opposite, the Hedleys…

On this day, 22 October 1914, units of the German Fourth Army crossed the Yser river/canal between Nieuport and Dixmude. Would this be the Belgians’ Mons? If the Belgian Army here had to retreat, Ypres would be surrounded from the north.

Next entry: 23 October 1914

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21 October 1914

At four o’clock this morning the hospital train arrived in Dunkirk. George could not name the town in his letter to Kittie of 23 October, but we know from his letter of 15th that this was his destination. He heads his letter of 23rd ‘At the Seaside’ and tells her that the ‘Hospital base’ he is now in is ‘lodged in a famous Casino’, i.e. probably at Malo les Bains.

A fine change after the nunneries and monasteries! A melancholy place, full of suffering. I and some of the other slightly suffering have taken our meals at restaurants. Imagine the great palms, and the egg-shaped ring of electric lights round the ceiling, its view of the bathing-machines and the sea; and it all full, from end to end, of wounded soldiers in rows side by side. […] and the operating theatre cut off only by a sheet.

On this day around Ypres the Germans attacked with renewed ferocity. Dick Sutton’s regiment was sent at first light to Zonnebeke to support the 7th Division, whose resistance was crumbling. Gun batteries further back eventually halted the massed German columns advancing upon it. In the northernmost section of the line, the Germans destroyed Langemarck with shelling, then poured waves of infantry through, day and night.  They fell in their hundreds to rifle fire from Haig’s 2nd Division troops.

The Germans’ Military Intelligence was poor, and as a result they consistently overestimated the Allied forces facing them at Ypres. On the other hand, Sir John French refused to believe the intelligence he was fed from aerial reconnaissance about superior German numbers, and had actually been planning offensive operations northwards and eastwards. He now gave the order to dig in. Both sides were discovering that in this new age of warfare the defenders could have certain advantages.

Next entry: Kittie

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20 October 1914: Hell breaks loose

This morning the Germans began an offensive along the whole northwestern front from La Bassée in France to the Belgian coast. The German 4th Army was closing in on Ypres from the north and east, the 6th Army from the south. The B.E.F.’s II and III Corps to the south had not yet joined up, and Haig’s I Corps had not yet reached Ypres. The full force of the onslaught around Ypres was therefore borne by (1) Rawlinson’s IV Corps, containing the 7th Division (infantry) and 3rd Cavalry Division with which George Calderon had entered Belgium on 8 October, (2) Allenby’s Cavalry Corps to the south between Messines and Zandvoorde, and (3) French forces to the extreme north. It was still open country warfare and there were yawning gaps in the British line.  Passchendaele, where Dick Sutton had been only the night before, was lost and numerous defensive retreats necessary. Things improved, however, when Haig’s I Corps began to join the line north of Ypres in the afternoon. By the end of the day the German forces had lost heavily and ‘felt anything but invincible’ (Max Hastings). IV Corps, including the Blues and Life Guards, had spearheaded what was to become known as the ‘Ypres salient’.

Had George been with the Blues today, he would certainly have seen action. But around lunchtime, probably, the hospital train he was on crossed the border into France.

I shall produce a map of the military situation at Ypres when Calderon is able to rejoin his regiment.

Next entry: 21 October 1914

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The TLS link

At four o’clock this afternoon, Monday 19 October 1914, George and other patients set off on a very slow train to their ‘Hospital base’ at Dunkirk.

It may seem odd that he had told Kittie to contact Theodore Cook, editor of The Field, about the state of the military ambulance system in Flanders, but Cook would certainly be interested: he was eventually awarded a knighthood for his magazine’s contribution to the war effort.

Similarly, George had not written for the TLS since 1912, but he still had good contacts there and at The Times: in 1911 the latter published his now much-quoted article on Ballets Russes and he was possibly the translator of Fokine’s famous ‘Five Principles’ of modern ballet printed in The Times of 6 July 1914.

It gave me huge pleasure, therefore, when the TLS ran a long item about George Calderon on its blog on 9 September. If you haven’t seen it, click on the link under ‘Related’ at the top of ‘Calderonia’ on the right. Michael Caines (whom I do not know) has written a superb, original piece that must have taken him a long time to research. It is, in effect, a fresh and notable addition to the literature on George.

I was particularly pleased that Caines discussed George’s essay on Chekhov published with his translations of The Seagull and The Cherry Orchard in 1912. Caines concluded that Calderon’s ‘impassioned and insightful appreciation of Chekhov’ still seemed to him to be worth reading, and I agree. I shall return to the subject in November. (With other ‘personal’ themes which currently must take second place to the battlefield.)

‘Less admirable’, Caines also wrote, ‘a century on at least, are Calderon’s activities as the Honorary Secretary of the Men’s League for Opposing Woman Suffrage.’ Similarly, a follower emailed me recently that he was ‘disappointed to discover that Calderon was a strikebreaker’ (referring to George’s activities in the 1912 coal and dock strikes).

The important words here are Mr Caines’s ‘a century on at least’. In two chapters of my biography, entitled ‘The Trouble with Suffragism’ and ‘The Trouble with Trade Unionism’, I examine in detail what George actually said on these subjects; but I also examine his beliefs within their historical context, rather than the context of wisdom today. All I will say here is that in 1909-14 repeated polls showed that a majority of women were opposed to women’s suffrage, let alone the suffragettes’ methods, and in 1912, like Calderon, a majority of the British public appeared to support the miners’ and dockers’ wage claims and demands for better working conditions, but were opposed to the economic and social collapse that the ‘syndicalist’ movement seemed bent on.

For an absorbing account of the TLS during World War I, see Derwent May’s magisterial Critical Times: The History of the Times Literary Supplement (London, HarperCollins, 2001).

Next entry: 20 October 1914: Hell breaks loose

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