Two anniversaries

Today is Anton Chekhov’s birthday. It is also the anniversary of the publication of George Calderon’s translations of The Seagull and The Cherry Orchard on 29 January 1912.

Was this a coincidence? Probably not. The publisher, Grant Richards, was making a risky investment in this Russian dramatist and wanted to get everything right. George’s approach to the publication was also fastidious. The text of Two Plays by Tchekhof had first been rejected by George’s usual publisher, Smith, Elder. Top Edwardian ‘art’ publisher Richards had probably been persuaded to take it on thanks to his acquaintance with Kittie going back nearly twenty years. George completely revised the translation for Richards, making it more ‘exact’, as he told him, than the acting versions he had evolved before. He also supplied many footnotes, which are often a delight in themselves, and an introduction. Richards was meticulous about the pre-publication advertising of his books and in the Times Literary Supplement of 25 January 1915 enthused: ‘Many readers will like the introduction as much as the plays. Mr Calderon is combative, lively — and he knows his Russia and his theatre. In fact he’s written the deuce of a preface!’

The loser from all this, for the next eleven years at least, was Constance Garnett. In the spring of 1906 she had started translating The Cherry Orchard ‘on spec’, as she wrote her husband, because she had heard that the Moscow Arts were coming to London that summer. The Russian company did not come, so she submitted the translation to the Stage Society, in which by then George was active. This probably gave him the idea of translating The Seagull, which he directed with success at Glasgow in 1909. Eventually the Stage Society put on Garnett’s translation of The Cherry Orchard on 28 and 29 May 1911. It was a famous disaster. Unfortunately, in a display of the tactlessness to which he was prone, George then told the Chairman of the Stage Society’s Council of Management that he thought the translation was ‘wretched’ and ‘now no-one would be willing to take up a Tchehov play anywhere as this poor translation would set the public against it’. These words are taken from a letter of 6 June 1911 written by Constance Garnett, to whom the conversation had been reported. Her laudable response was to try to publish her Cherry Orchard ‘at once’ and ‘not for a moment consider Calderon’s feelings’. But she was too late: George had already submitted his book to Smith, Elder.

All this is the background of events to pieces about George’s Chekhov translations and Introduction that I shall post during a ‘lacuna’ in the first fortnight of February.

Next entry: 1 February 1915

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The ‘second’ front

Today, Thursday 28 January 1915, the War Council met to make a final decision about the Dardanelles operation. Note that after the meeting on 13 January (see my post of that date) Carden had been appointed commander of the fleet that was to force the straits, he had been told that he would be given the super-dreadnought Queen Elizabeth, and Churchill had persuaded the French to join the operation. The prime minister, H.H. Asquith, informed the meeting today that ‘in view of the steps already taken the question could not well be left in abeyance’. He had travelled a long way since telling Venetia Stanley that he was ‘altogether opposed’ to the project (see my post of 5 December 2014). The fact is, everyone on the Council except the First Sea Lord, Fisher, was swept up by the desire to ‘do something’ about the deadly stalemate on the Western Front. Fisher tried to resign, but was persuaded back to the table by Kitchener. The Council then agreed that the Admiralty should be charged with carrying out the (purely naval) operation…a month later! To quote the official history: ‘The Germans had already had six months in which to improve the defences of the Straits, and the minefields were continually growing.’

Next entry: Two anniversaries

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The Western Front

On 25 January 1915 the Germans unleashed a well planned attack on the British-French front at La Bassée, specifically between Givenchy in the north, Cuinchy on the canal, and further south. At Givenchy they captured British trenches, but were soon ejected, with the loss of 207 men. At Cuinchy the attack began with a number of mines being exploded in trenches occupied by the 1st Battalion Coldstream Guards. The Germans then rushed the British lines, took the front trenches, and fought on.

Much of the fighting at Cuinchy was in a flat area east of the village known as ‘the Brickstacks’. It contained about thirty blocks of bricks fifteen feet high, which had been there since before the war. Most were within German territory, the rest within the British lines. They presented a peculiarly difficult battlefield, especially as the area was knee-deep in mud. After a delay, the British infantry counter-attacked but could not dislodge the enemy from the front trenches. Over the next week a bloody farrago of trench warfare, shelling, machine-gunning and hand-to-hand fighting developed, before on 6 February the 4th (Guards) Brigade of the 2nd Division captured the Brickstacks and improved the junction between the British and French lines.

Jim Corbet (see my post of 8 September) was present.  After he had recovered in Britain from his wound at the Marne, he was promoted to Lieutenant on 9 December 1914 and sent out to La Bassée with a draft of two hundred men and three officers. He was now probably with the 3rd Battalion Coldstream Guards, who were part of the 4th (Guards) Brigade. In the words of the Commonwealth War Graves Commission Newsletter, the ‘attack and counter-attack’ action around Cuinchy at this time a hundred years ago is ‘probably typical of the front line situation at this stage in the war’.

George Calderon refers to the Battle of the Brickstacks, as it became known, and Jim Corbet’s part in it, in the opening line of the last letter he ever wrote (3 June 1915). Evidently the battle was synonymous for him with extreme danger.

Next entry: The ‘second’ front

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Lacunae: the ‘benefits’

So (see my post of 21 January) we do not know a great deal about George Calderon’s training at Fort Brockhurst between now and the middle of April 1915, nor about his relationship with Kittie in that period, because of the lack of epistolary evidence.

Even so, I shall be able to describe some major, sometimes surprising developments for which there is documentary evidence, and I defy followers to predict these! I certainly would never have been able to predict them. One thing I will say even at this stage, is that Calderon was able to spend quite a few weeks at home during this period.

As I see it, there will be some benefits to having ‘lacunae’ in our Calderon storyline over these three-plus months, viz.:

1. I shall be able to keep followers up to date with the general military developments that directly impacted on George’s life down in Gosport. These are terribly important, of course, for any contextualisation of life in Britain in 1915. Over the last three months I have made a detailed study of the Gallipoli front and listened to the views of experts.

2. I will be able to offer my readings of various key themes in George’s literary life, especially the quality of his Chekhov translations and writing on Chekhov’s plays. This will be, so to speak, a purely synchronic dimension to an essentially diachronic blog, or to put it more simply: not time past, but time present. It will give me an opportunity to get various things off my chest that have been seething away there like TB ever since I worked for the Scripts Department of the National Theatre in the 1970s.

3. We will have time to look at the works that George probably strove over the next few months to leave in a state which would enable Kittie (his editor and agent) to publish them if he did not come back from the war.

4. I will have more space in which to elaborate/bore about the problems of the biographer…

5. As the centenary of George’s death approaches, I will keep you au courant with what is happening to mark it and to celebrate his life and achievement.

Er, now that I look at it all, it’s rather daunting, on top of finishing a 160,000-word book!

The blog will close on 30 July 2015, one year after I began it.

Next entry: The Western Front

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They have wonderful editors

Hilary Mantel is an excellent writer. But when it was announced in January 2013 that Wolf Hall and Bring Up the Bodies were going to be adapted for the RSC and a media maelstrom broke out, I felt uneasy. It wasn’t as though Thomas Cromwell was unknown, or had never been put on the stage before, e.g. by Shakespeare. In 1973 (I think) I went to see A Man for All Seasons with a friend who is an English historian. We were moved, but as we walked home he said: ‘Hm…I think Thomas Cromwell is the more interesting character’ — and explained why. Later, I discovered that between 1907 and 1909 George Calderon had researched the sources as thoroughly as Hilary Mantel and produced his remarkable verse play Cromwell: Mall o’Monks (‘hammer of the monasteries’).

Before the RSC got going on its adaptation, which I felt would not be without difficulties, I wrote to a senior figure enclosing a copy of George’s play, in case it could be ‘grist to anyone’s mill’. He wrote back: ‘Fascinating stuff. Did you know that Victor Hugo also wrote a play about Cromwell?’.  Well, I did, but that was about Oliver…

When the media maelstrom broke out this week over BBC2’s dramatisation, I felt even more uncomfortable on George’s behalf, as it were. Rachel Sylvester’s long piece in The Times on Tuesday, 20 January 2015, ‘Cromwell rules in Westminster’s Wolf Hall’, related Cromwell’s ‘pragmatism’ and Thomas More’s ‘utopianism’ to British politics today, claiming that Mantel’s (Cromwell’s?) ‘many fans at Westminster’ include Cameron, Osborne and Clegg, and ‘modern politics is, like Cromwell’s, all about strategy, not philosophy’. This fired me to pen a brief letter to The Times after supper:

Sir,

Everyone is discovering Thomas Cromwell (Rachel Sylvester, ‘Cromwell rules in Westminster’s Wolf Hall’, 20 Jan). For the record, the first play about Thomas Cromwell was written by George Calderon in 1909. Calderon is the Russianist who introduced Chekhov to the British Stage, was a great reviewer for the TLS and Times, and died at Gallipoli a hundred years ago this June. Calderon used exactly the same sources as Hilary Mantel, but produced a pre-Shakespearian morality play in iambic pentameter. His message was as contemporary as Rachel Sylvester suggests Mantel’s is: George Calderon’s play was written as an allegory of the rise of Lloyd George!

(Patrick Miles etc. plus Calderonia blog address)

My personal belief about letters to the press is that one should write them when one’s fired up. The longer one spends on making them ‘lapidary’, the more dead, boring, and unlikely to be printed they become. Fire them off and forget about them.

I was therefore astonished to see the following printed in The Times yesterday:

Cromwell Pedigree

Sir, Everyone is discovering Thomas Cromwell (“Cromwell rules in Westminster’s ‘Wolf Hall'”, Jan 20). The first play about Cromwell was written by George Calderon in 1909. Calderon is the Russianist who introduced Chekhov to the British stage, was a Times reviewer, and died at Gallipoli 100 years ago. He used the same sources as Hilary Mantel, but produced a pre-Shakespearean morality play in iambic pentameter. His message was as contemporary as your writer Rachel Sylvester suggests Mantel’s is: Calderon’s play was an allegory of the rise of Lloyd George.

(Patrick Miles, Cambridge)

I am sorry that they removed the final exclamation mark and made it altogether drier (more lapidary), but I have to admire the way they have drawn the sting of my peevishness about Hilary Mantel’s, the RSC’s, and the BBC’s success compared with George’s ‘failure’ (I doubt whether his play has ever been performed, except possibly on radio in the late 1920s/early 1930s). They seem to have made as many as a dozen alterations, all very acceptable, which proves that the art of editing is alive and well.

Next entry: Lacunae: the ‘benefits’

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Apple apple apple apple apple

In his first letter to Kittie after embarking on the R.M.S. ‘Orsova’ at Devonport on 10 May 1915 (she was probably still watching the ship with other wives whilst he was writing), Calderon seems to have summed up his time at Fort Brockhurst in a ten-line paragraph.

I say ‘seems’, because the first five lines have been ‘appled’ out by Kittie. ‘Appling’ is another Edwardian word to add to this blog’s vocabulary. If you did not want something to be read in a document, you wrote ‘apple’ through it tightly and continuously, as that combination of letters was pretty effective at scrambling what was underneath. George himself did this in some of his love letters to Kittie in 1899, when he wished he hadn’t written something but did not want to rewrite the whole letter.

In practice, ‘appling’ was usually a combination of writing ‘apple’ and stretches of Slinky-style scribbling — what we might today call ‘knitting’. If the latter is done in very round loops, it also looks like a series of apples.

After the five lines appled out by Kittie, George’s handwriting continues:

Peels offered their little young happy circle to me — and afforded every kind of refuge from the hard and arid gaiety of the Anteroom [the officers’ mess sitting-room]. I am deeply obliged to them. They gave me a colour that, in the ordinary course of things, I never could have got.

Peel was a young fellow-officer of George’s who lived in digs at Brockhurst with his wife and perhaps children. The ‘Anteroom’ was presumably one place where George would entertain with his piano-playing; yet ‘hard and arid gaiety’ sounds damning. Perhaps the ‘colour’ that the Peels ‘gave’ George even prevented him from sinking into the depression he had suffered as an interpreter at Ypres.

Kittie’s ‘appling’ raises a fundamental question for the biographer. Do you respect it, or try to unscramble it and read what is written underneath? In the case of George’s love letters, I could make out a few words and they did not suggest that I was missing much; that they would add much to what I knew already. Here, though, what Kittie has appled out (very effectively) could be significant. There are, I believe, forensic programmes for reading what is written beneath blotting out, so I am inclined to follow that up.

If you have lived with the subjects of your biography for as long as I have, you do feel a loyalty to them, a reluctance to breach their ‘trust’. But writing biography is a balance between empathy, sympathy, and omniscience!

Next entry: They have wonderful editors

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The training of Lieut. Calderon

We can assume that George’s training with the 9th Ox and Bucks now began in earnest. Unfortunately, apart from a machine-gun course on Hayling Island in March/April, it is difficult to ascertain what exactly the training consisted of.

We know that he came home most weekends, but he probably still wrote to Kittie at least once a week. Yet no letters from him or her have survived between now and his embarkation for Egypt in May 1915. After that, all his letters to her are extant.

There is definitely a mystery here. It is possible that Kittie destroyed George’s letters from Brockhurst because they reveal that he and she were bickering over why he was putting himself in the firing line rather than on the home front; why, in fact, he was destroying her health with worry. I shall present the evidence for that over the coming months. Another possibility, as I shall explain tomorrow under a different heading, is that he was not at all happy with aspects of life in Fort Brockhurst.

The regular officers who were completing his training were very pleased with him. The Adjutant, Captain Maxwell Labouchere (another cricketer, who features in Wisden on the Great War) wrote later that George ‘took everyone’s heart by storm’. His piano playing also made him popular.

Nevertheless…

Next entry: Apple apple apple apple apple

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An Appeal

If you have not read Clare Hopkins’s ‘Recent Comment’ of 9 January, please do. Clare is Archivist of Trinity College, Oxford, and the author of what has been described to me by the Senior Tutor of a different Oxford foundation as ‘the best history of any Oxford college’: Trinity: 450 Years of an Oxford College Community (OUP, 2005).

Now the reason I haven’t responded to Clare’s comment myself, is that I happen to agree with her feisty opening words about hearing the views of other followers of Calderonia!

In my post of 28 November 2014, ‘Reactions’, I sincerely thanked everyone who had contacted me since the blog began in July, but I did rather coyly refer to the fact that followers were emailing me rather than leaving comments in the blogspace itself… Now I make a direct Appeal: there are many of you, you are often eminent in your fields, all of you know what you are talking about, so if you have a reaction to a post, please don’t hesitate to leave a comment by clicking the prompt at the end of the post!

One of the purposes of blogs, after all, is to create a conversation about a subject, and as a professor emailed me at the start of the exercise: ‘these days we all need a web-presence’. Perhaps if someone says something serious but outrageous, Calderonia will go viral and prospective publishers of my biography will sit up…

But, of course, I can’t resist saying something, here, about Clare’s comment. It’s superb. I can’t thank her enough for taking all the time and effort that she so manifestly has. Although I have read her history of Trinity College (at which both George Calderon and Kittie’s first husband, Archie Ripley, were undergraduates ), the name Reginald Tiddy had not registered. The story of his insistence on joining up when he could barely pass the medical, and the reasons for which he believed he must persist, are very moving.

And the ‘homology’ with George’s army career is startling, right down to Tiddy’s ‘godfather in war’, Arthur Farquharson, believing Tiddy should serve in the Intelligence Corps ‘where his faculties would be less wasted, and leave the infantry work to others’ — exactly Coote Hedley’s opinion about Calderon.

Finally, I think there’s a good chance Calderon knew Cecil Sharp, as Sharp was a very close friend of the composer Martin Shaw (1875-1958). As Shaw says in his memoirs (Up to Now, 1929), in the first decade of the twentieth century both George and Kittie had ‘carried me through one of the worst periods of my life’. George liked his music and in 1914 Shaw was composing for Calderon and Caine’s pantomime The Brave Little Tailor. George must have seen quite a bit of him that year, when I notice that Tiddy himself was in London. So if Sharp introduced Tiddy to Shaw, perhaps the latter even introduced him to George, knowing they had much in common?

Next entry: The training of Lieut. Calderon

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Fort Brockhurst

If my dating of Calderon’s ‘Sunday’ letter to the Sturge Moore family is correct, then today, Monday 18 January 1915, George’s company (about 250 men) of the 9th Battalion Oxfordshire and Buckinghamshire Light Infantry moved into Fort Brockhurst, which is two miles up the A32 out of Gosport. Possibly the whole battalion (600-800 men) was now garrisoned there.

Fort Brockhurst is one of five ‘Palmerston Forts’ built between 1858 and 1862 to protect Portsmouth against French invasion. It is now owned and managed by English Heritage.

With its moated keep and formidable firepower, the fortress was an impressive piece of military engineering. Neither its exterior nor its parade ground have changed much since 1915, but the interior now houses a ‘treasure trove of objects from English Heritage’s extensive reserve collections’. Probably it was much more densely settled than the one or two areas presented as ‘barrack rooms’ suggest today.

Obviously, the wag who described it to George as ‘just like a prison’ was right. All these men were living on top of each other, much of their life was regimented, and it must have been claustrophobic. On the other hand, it probably focussed their training as a crack infantry regiment very effectively.

Next entry: An Appeal

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17 (?) January 1915

Fortis est veritas

9th Battalion Oxfordshire and Buckinghamshire

Light Infantry

                                                                                Sunday

Dear Mrs Moore

           Mr Moore

          Miss Moore

          Master Moore

I am both delighted and desolated by your letter, desolated not to have done what was expected of me, but delighted that you should have expected it. [Large blot with caption: Please let this pass as a kiss for Riette

I began to take a touching farewell of a young lady, saying, with [a] sigh, I am off tomorrow. She answered, without even turning pale, ‘Oh, you’ll always be turning up again’. From that moment I resolved to make no farewells; because it is quite true, I shall turn up again. Not so often as I expected; for we are a garrison. In fact, tomorrow we move into a fortress: those who have inspected it say, it is just like being in prison; I don’t know how he [sic] knew.

You will be glad to hear I am not overworked. The only work I have done so far is to walk behind the Company to Church this morning; except for a game or two of Bridge that is all the work that has been demanded of me.

A tantôt, as our Belgie’s say.

I shall see you soon.

Your affectionate friend

                    George Calderon

                             Lieut.

This letter is published by kind permission of Historic Collections, Senate House Library, University of London. It is conserved under MS978/1/2/11 in the Thomas Sturge Moore Papers.

For notes on the Sturge Moore family, see my posts of 20, 21 and 22 November 2014. ‘A young lady’ in the present letter is Kittie Calderon.

Next entry: Fort Brockhurst

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Kittie’s ‘apology’

And why did I not go down and make him some comparatively comfortable sort of home somehow? — (for of course the married officers could live in their own ‘digs’) — Because he was firmly convinced that if he lived in rooms with me he would not learn one quarter as much of soldiering as by living in Barracks — and time at best was short.

I had not the faintest doubt that he was right, we had mutually accepted that only one thing was to be thought of, one end to be worked for, and my going to live down there would not only not help but would hinder the best achievement of that end. So that was that.

(Kittie Calderon’s memoirs)

Next entry: 17 (?) January 1915

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15 January 1915: The move to barracks

I conclude, by a process of the usual ‘triangulation’, that the newly commissioned Lieutenant Calderon travelled down by train to report to the Portsmouth base of the 9th Battalion Oxfordshire and Buckinghamshire Light Infantry today, Friday 15 January 1915:

1. Kittie in her memoirs says he was there ‘by the middle of January’.

2. The very last comment written by a military man on George’s ‘Commission’ (see my post of 9 January 2o15) is ‘Done. 15/1/15’, and this presumably refers to his joining the regiment, since ‘order to join’ were the last words of his Commission dated 9/1/15.

3. George’s letter to the Sturge Moore family (see my next post but one) was written on a ‘Sunday’ presumably close to his receiving their letter. Since the Sturge Moores’ lost letter seems to have been about his not having said goodbye to them, it is presumably closer to his departure from 42 Well Walk than it is to the next Sunday, 24 January 1915. [This reasoning is admittedly shaky, but even if the Sturge Moores had sent it on Saturday 16 January and George travelled down that day he would probably have received it next day.]

Since leaving hospital, then, Calderon had been at home or at Foxwold with Kittie for almost eight weeks.

Next entry: Kittie’s ‘apology’

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The military situation

Trench warfare was continuing along the Western Front, but Falkenhayn had no major offensive in view before the spring because he was too embroiled in his Eastern Front (see my post of 5 December 2014).

Meanwhile, on 13 January 1915 the War Council met to discuss the Admiralty’s plan to force the Dardanelles and attack Constantinople. First Lord Winston Churchill had asked Vice Admiral Sackville Carden, Commander of the East Mediterranean Fleet, whether he thought it possible to get through the heavily defended strait. Carden replied from the area: ‘I do not consider the Dardanelles can be rushed. They might be forced by extended operations with large number of ships.’ Churchill then asked Carden to produce a detailed plan of these extended operations. The plan arrived in London on 11 January and comprised seven stages lasting a month.

Note that the plan did not involve British troops. The idea was that once the presence of a British fleet outside Constantinople, shelling the city, had led to the collapse of the Turkish government and most of the Ottoman polity, a large army of Greeks, Bulgarians, Serbs and Russians would carve up the country. Russia was to occupy Constantinople, which would greatly raise morale at home, and the freeing of its sea passage to the West would immediately boost its imports of much-needed arms and its own export of grain. The loss of Germany’s Turkish ally would eventually undermine its Eastern Front.

Kitchener was relieved that no British troops were involved in this plan, as he had made it clear he had none available. He therefore, as the War Council’s minutes record, ‘thought the plan worth trying. We could leave off the bombardment if it did not prove effective [my emphasis]’. This was probably the position, too, of the First Sea Lord, Admiral Fisher, who had been brought back to office at the age of seventy-four, was increasingly unstable, and said nothing at all at the meeting. Fisher had never thought the Gallipoli Peninsula and Constantinople could be taken by a naval force alone, but he failed to say so and presumably thought foreign troops would be brought in if the naval action succeeded in forcing the strait (which he doubted anyway).

With no dissensions, then, today’s War Council decided that ‘the Admiralty should prepare for a naval expedition in February to bombard and take the Gallipoli Peninsula with Constantinople as its objective [my emphasis]’.

As the Dardanelles Commission was to enquire in its report of 1917, how was it possible for a naval force to ‘take’ a peninsula?

Next entry: 15 January 1915: The move to barracks

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A review

George’s commission was dated 9 January 1915, which was a Saturday, and on the same day the literary magazine The Athenaeum came out with an unsigned review of his translation of Il’ia Tolstoi’s Reminiscences of Tolstoy. However, it is likely that George received notification of his commission long before he read this review, as he was not a fan of The Athenaeum and probably waited for the publishers of his translation, Chapman & Hall, to send him a copy from their cuttings agency.

The curious thing about this review is that it was appearing nearly three months after the book was published — and in those days book reviews tended to come out far closer to publication date than they do today. As I explained in my post of 5 November, for George Calderon to net the job of translating Tolstoy’s son’s ‘sensational’, eagerly awaited memoirs was a tremendous endorsement of his status as a Russianist and writer of English. His translation was serialised for four months before book-publication on both sides of the Atlantic, but probably the War took the edge off its reception.

The most likely author of the review of 9 January 1915 was the English Tolstoyan Aylmer Maude (1858-1938), and his nose was probably put out of joint by George getting the contract to translate the memoirs in the first place. One of the reasons Maude was not chosen as translator was probably to do with Tolstoy family politics following Lev Tolstoy’s death in 1910 (Aylmer and his wife Louise had been deeply enmeshed with the family whilst Tolstoy was alive, whereas George had never been).

I won’t ‘go on’ about George’s and Aylmer Maude’s relationship, but I will say that it was quite complex. As someone who had taken Tolstoy’s ‘philosophy’ apart in an article of 1901 more comprehensively than anyone before George Orwell in 1947, Calderon was unlikely to have much in common with a man who believed in this ‘philosophy’ and had even tried to live it in a fissiparous English commune. Maude’s close involvement with Fabianism and his admiration of G.B. Shaw would also have been anathema to Calderon. The latter’s main differences with Maude were, however, probably literary.

A major reason for suspecting that this review was written by Maude is stylistic. The author swiftly sidesteps the unique quality of these memoirs — their intimate domestic portrait of Tolstoy, their interpersonal emotional depth — in favour of (a) discussing ‘the omission of many things which loomed large in Tolstoy’s career’, and (b) expatiating ad nauseam on ‘the very few slips we have noticed in the book’, e.g. minutiae connected with Tolstoi and chess, which Maude himself had played with the writer. This is very reminiscent of George’s criticism in the TLS (11 March 1909) of the first volume of Maude’s own, authorised biography of Tolstoy:

Mr Maude has a morbid conscientiousness about chronology which will spare us no event, however irrelevant to the matter in hand, if it is somewhere recorded as having occurred at a particular moment. The reader is perpetually mastering a group of details in the hope that they are the premisses to a story and finding that he has been cheated: Tolstoy had the toothache, his sister suffered from rheumatism, he raised a mortgage, or planted a birchwood, a poor Tartar came and pitched his tent by the hayfield, but nothing came of it in any case.

In other words, Maude was a ‘compiler’…  A severe warning, this, from George to biographers everywhere!

Just as, in his review, Maude does not seem to grasp the deeply empathic nature of Il’ia Tolstoi’s memories of his father, and how wonderfully human, warm, unpretentious and playful the Tolstoy of these Reminiscences is, so too Maude’s response to George’s translation is limited to the ineffably pedestrian ‘Mr Calderon’s English version is fluent’. As Vladimir Nabokov pointed out long ago, in translation ‘fluency’ and ‘readability’ may be the last refuge of a scoundrel. George’s version, in fact, is not ‘fluent’ in the sense of ‘plangent’, or of water running out of a drainpipe; it is alive, individual, and full of interesting English surprises.

The fact of the matter is, Maude and many other Edwardian Russia-fanciers, e.g. Maurice Baring and Constance Garnett, were good linguists but neither literary nor critical, which George Calderon was.

Nevertheless, at the end of his (?) review Maude conceded: ‘the big thing is that we are indebted to Mr Calderon for presenting this book to us in a form in which it can be read with pleasure’. This is very reminiscent of the compliment George paid to Maude in his TLS  review (6 October 1901) of the second volume of Maude’s biography of Tolstoy: he said he was ‘a man of a rare sort, himself an idealist, a seeker, an experimenter, of keen intelligence, devoted to public good’.

The mutual respect between two such different Russianists and men must have been an advantage when in 1913 Maude moved into lodgings with Marie Stopes and her first husband a hundred and fifty yards away at 14 Well Walk and Calderon and Maude occasionally passed in the street.

If anyone out there knows for certain who the author of this review was, will you please tell us in a Comment?

Next entry: The military situation

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9 January 1915: Commission

This is the final state of George Calderon’s application for a commission:

Decision on George Calderon's Commission, 9 January 1915

Decision on George Calderon’s Commission, 9 January 1915

The writing in red ink across the left hand side of the form reads: ‘Temporary Commission as Lieutenant in 9 Battln Oxford & Bucks Light Inftr & order to join’, dated today 1915.

This was a coup. Although in December the War Office was claiming that George’s military status was that of Interpreter, not 2nd Lieutenant, now he was being given a commission as a full lieutenant and with a first-rate regiment. The Oxfordshire Light Infantry had been formed in 1881, renamed in 1908, and were commonly known as the ‘Ox and Bucks’. In 1914 their 2nd Battalion had fought from Mons to Ypres and covered itself with glory at Nonneboschen on 11 November.

The letters ‘KIV’ in blue at the top of the form refer to the fact that the 9th Battalion of the Ox and Bucks was part of ‘K4’, the 4th Group of ‘Kitchener’s Army’, i.e. the New Army raised initially from volunteers following the outbreak of war. K4 had been created in November 1914 with six divisions; the 9th Ox and Bucks was in the 32nd Division.

At the present moment, the 9th Battalion was a ‘Service Battalion’ under orders of 96th Brigade. This meant it could see action but had only a defensive role: its main object was to provide ‘combat service’ to the brigade, i.e. vital logistical support for operations. However, as we shall see, this could change.

Clearly George had passed his medical with flying colours, but how on earth had he then achieved this flip behind the scenes from the Corps of Interpreters to a highly respected combatant regiment?

The main mover, probably, was Sir Coote Hedley, who worked within the General Staff and (George’s file reveals) could communicate between War Office departments on other people’s behalf. ‘Much against my will’, Hedley wrote in 1920, ‘I did my best and he got his commission’. G.F. Bradby, a contemporary of George’s at Rugby, wrote later: ‘it was inevitable that […] he would somehow find his way into the firing line. The story of how he succeeded is a romance in itself — a romance of which only he could have been the hero.’

Service and Reserve battalions trained recruits, but they also trained men returning to duty after being in medical care — presumably including subalterns — so this too might be how Calderon slipped into the 9th Ox and Bucks. Equally, the Oxford connection may have helped. Francis Newbolt, Henry’s son, had been at Oxford like his father, and wrote to George praising his regiment on 6 December 1914. Possibly George knew other Oxfordians in the Ox and Bucks and they helped him? Perhaps there was a connection between the regiment and Trinity College, Oxford, where George had been an undergraduate?

The power of Oxford networks in Edwardian life can hardly be overstated (curiously, one hears less of the Cambridge ones!). As Brian Harrison has analysed in Separate Spheres: The Opposition to Women’s Suffrage in Britain (1978), and Julia Bush discussed in Women Against the Vote: Female Anti-Suffragism in Britain (2007), both male and female Oxford networks were prominent in the anti-suffrage movement with which George was associated. Oxford connections also played an important part in staging George’s translations of Chekhov’s plays in successful productions in 1909 and 1925.

Next entry: A review

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The Medical

About now, Thursday 7 January 1915, George Calderon went before a Board for medical examination.

It is rather surprising how little concrete information one can obtain now about military medical examination procedures in the First World War. Recurrent themes are how perfunctory they were, the high percentage of young men who were rejected in 1914 as medically unfit, and an obsession with height.

George had no difficulty with the basic demands of the Army medical, as he had satisfied them back in August 1914. He was five foot nine and a half inches tall (the minimum was five foot three), had an expanded chest measurement of forty inches (the minimum was thirty-four), reasonable teeth, excellent vision, and ‘Good physical development’. Obviously, though, the question was how well, at the age of forty-six, had he recovered from his smashed fibula of two months ago? Did he mention the trouble he had had with his prostate gland? Was the latter cured, or was it something more sinister?

Without a doubt, if he had not worked on his physical condition with the exercises, professional massage and private medical care, he would not have been passed for active service in the Corps of Interpreters. This was because since George went to Windmill Hill Camp in September 1914 interpreters had become essentially orderlies. They had to run, and they had to be able to run fast. The group of young interpreters who superseded George around Colonel Gordon Wilson at Zillebeke in November 1914 were so active that they were nicknamed ‘the football team’.

Conversely, by January 1915 the Corps of Interpreters had become part of the nascent British Intelligence Service, and George could have found work in that. His linguistic, analytic, mathematical and cryptographical skills could have been invaluable. This is in fact what the ‘Godfather in War’, George’s friend at the War Office Sir Coote Hedley, wanted him to do: to ‘work away from the firing line’.

But Calderon had taken every step to pass the medical for active service. In Kittie’s view, ‘his strength of purpose was such that he simply hypnotised the Medical Officer into believing him fit’…

Next entry: 9 January 1915: Commission

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