17 (?) January 1915

Fortis est veritas

9th Battalion Oxfordshire and Buckinghamshire

Light Infantry

                                                                                Sunday

Dear Mrs Moore

           Mr Moore

          Miss Moore

          Master Moore

I am both delighted and desolated by your letter, desolated not to have done what was expected of me, but delighted that you should have expected it. [Large blot with caption: Please let this pass as a kiss for Riette

I began to take a touching farewell of a young lady, saying, with [a] sigh, I am off tomorrow. She answered, without even turning pale, ‘Oh, you’ll always be turning up again’. From that moment I resolved to make no farewells; because it is quite true, I shall turn up again. Not so often as I expected; for we are a garrison. In fact, tomorrow we move into a fortress: those who have inspected it say, it is just like being in prison; I don’t know how he [sic] knew.

You will be glad to hear I am not overworked. The only work I have done so far is to walk behind the Company to Church this morning; except for a game or two of Bridge that is all the work that has been demanded of me.

A tantôt, as our Belgie’s say.

I shall see you soon.

Your affectionate friend

                    George Calderon

                             Lieut.

This letter is published by kind permission of Historic Collections, Senate House Library, University of London. It is conserved under MS978/1/2/11 in the Thomas Sturge Moore Papers.

For notes on the Sturge Moore family, see my posts of 20, 21 and 22 November 2014. ‘A young lady’ in the present letter is Kittie Calderon.

Next entry: Fort Brockhurst

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Kittie’s ‘apology’

And why did I not go down and make him some comparatively comfortable sort of home somehow? — (for of course the married officers could live in their own ‘digs’) — Because he was firmly convinced that if he lived in rooms with me he would not learn one quarter as much of soldiering as by living in Barracks — and time at best was short.

I had not the faintest doubt that he was right, we had mutually accepted that only one thing was to be thought of, one end to be worked for, and my going to live down there would not only not help but would hinder the best achievement of that end. So that was that.

(Kittie Calderon’s memoirs)

Next entry: 17 (?) January 1915

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15 January 1915: The move to barracks

I conclude, by a process of the usual ‘triangulation’, that the newly commissioned Lieutenant Calderon travelled down by train to report to the Portsmouth base of the 9th Battalion Oxfordshire and Buckinghamshire Light Infantry today, Friday 15 January 1915:

1. Kittie in her memoirs says he was there ‘by the middle of January’.

2. The very last comment written by a military man on George’s ‘Commission’ (see my post of 9 January 2o15) is ‘Done. 15/1/15’, and this presumably refers to his joining the regiment, since ‘order to join’ were the last words of his Commission dated 9/1/15.

3. George’s letter to the Sturge Moore family (see my next post but one) was written on a ‘Sunday’ presumably close to his receiving their letter. Since the Sturge Moores’ lost letter seems to have been about his not having said goodbye to them, it is presumably closer to his departure from 42 Well Walk than it is to the next Sunday, 24 January 1915. [This reasoning is admittedly shaky, but even if the Sturge Moores had sent it on Saturday 16 January and George travelled down that day he would probably have received it next day.]

Since leaving hospital, then, Calderon had been at home or at Foxwold with Kittie for almost eight weeks.

Next entry: Kittie’s ‘apology’

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The military situation

Trench warfare was continuing along the Western Front, but Falkenhayn had no major offensive in view before the spring because he was too embroiled in his Eastern Front (see my post of 5 December 2014).

Meanwhile, on 13 January 1915 the War Council met to discuss the Admiralty’s plan to force the Dardanelles and attack Constantinople. First Lord Winston Churchill had asked Vice Admiral Sackville Carden, Commander of the East Mediterranean Fleet, whether he thought it possible to get through the heavily defended strait. Carden replied from the area: ‘I do not consider the Dardanelles can be rushed. They might be forced by extended operations with large number of ships.’ Churchill then asked Carden to produce a detailed plan of these extended operations. The plan arrived in London on 11 January and comprised seven stages lasting a month.

Note that the plan did not involve British troops. The idea was that once the presence of a British fleet outside Constantinople, shelling the city, had led to the collapse of the Turkish government and most of the Ottoman polity, a large army of Greeks, Bulgarians, Serbs and Russians would carve up the country. Russia was to occupy Constantinople, which would greatly raise morale at home, and the freeing of its sea passage to the West would immediately boost its imports of much-needed arms and its own export of grain. The loss of Germany’s Turkish ally would eventually undermine its Eastern Front.

Kitchener was relieved that no British troops were involved in this plan, as he had made it clear he had none available. He therefore, as the War Council’s minutes record, ‘thought the plan worth trying. We could leave off the bombardment if it did not prove effective [my emphasis]’. This was probably the position, too, of the First Sea Lord, Admiral Fisher, who had been brought back to office at the age of seventy-four, was increasingly unstable, and said nothing at all at the meeting. Fisher had never thought the Gallipoli Peninsula and Constantinople could be taken by a naval force alone, but he failed to say so and presumably thought foreign troops would be brought in if the naval action succeeded in forcing the strait (which he doubted anyway).

With no dissensions, then, today’s War Council decided that ‘the Admiralty should prepare for a naval expedition in February to bombard and take the Gallipoli Peninsula with Constantinople as its objective [my emphasis]’.

As the Dardanelles Commission was to enquire in its report of 1917, how was it possible for a naval force to ‘take’ a peninsula?

Next entry: 15 January 1915: The move to barracks

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A review

George’s commission was dated 9 January 1915, which was a Saturday, and on the same day the literary magazine The Athenaeum came out with an unsigned review of his translation of Il’ia Tolstoi’s Reminiscences of Tolstoy. However, it is likely that George received notification of his commission long before he read this review, as he was not a fan of The Athenaeum and probably waited for the publishers of his translation, Chapman & Hall, to send him a copy from their cuttings agency.

The curious thing about this review is that it was appearing nearly three months after the book was published — and in those days book reviews tended to come out far closer to publication date than they do today. As I explained in my post of 5 November, for George Calderon to net the job of translating Tolstoy’s son’s ‘sensational’, eagerly awaited memoirs was a tremendous endorsement of his status as a Russianist and writer of English. His translation was serialised for four months before book-publication on both sides of the Atlantic, but probably the War took the edge off its reception.

The most likely author of the review of 9 January 1915 was the English Tolstoyan Aylmer Maude (1858-1938), and his nose was probably put out of joint by George getting the contract to translate the memoirs in the first place. One of the reasons Maude was not chosen as translator was probably to do with Tolstoy family politics following Lev Tolstoy’s death in 1910 (Aylmer and his wife Louise had been deeply enmeshed with the family whilst Tolstoy was alive, whereas George had never been).

I won’t ‘go on’ about George’s and Aylmer Maude’s relationship, but I will say that it was quite complex. As someone who had taken Tolstoy’s ‘philosophy’ apart in an article of 1901 more comprehensively than anyone before George Orwell in 1947, Calderon was unlikely to have much in common with a man who believed in this ‘philosophy’ and had even tried to live it in a fissiparous English commune. Maude’s close involvement with Fabianism and his admiration of G.B. Shaw would also have been anathema to Calderon. The latter’s main differences with Maude were, however, probably literary.

A major reason for suspecting that this review was written by Maude is stylistic. The author swiftly sidesteps the unique quality of these memoirs — their intimate domestic portrait of Tolstoy, their interpersonal emotional depth — in favour of (a) discussing ‘the omission of many things which loomed large in Tolstoy’s career’, and (b) expatiating ad nauseam on ‘the very few slips we have noticed in the book’, e.g. minutiae connected with Tolstoi and chess, which Maude himself had played with the writer. This is very reminiscent of George’s criticism in the TLS (11 March 1909) of the first volume of Maude’s own, authorised biography of Tolstoy:

Mr Maude has a morbid conscientiousness about chronology which will spare us no event, however irrelevant to the matter in hand, if it is somewhere recorded as having occurred at a particular moment. The reader is perpetually mastering a group of details in the hope that they are the premisses to a story and finding that he has been cheated: Tolstoy had the toothache, his sister suffered from rheumatism, he raised a mortgage, or planted a birchwood, a poor Tartar came and pitched his tent by the hayfield, but nothing came of it in any case.

In other words, Maude was a ‘compiler’…  A severe warning, this, from George to biographers everywhere!

Just as, in his review, Maude does not seem to grasp the deeply empathic nature of Il’ia Tolstoi’s memories of his father, and how wonderfully human, warm, unpretentious and playful the Tolstoy of these Reminiscences is, so too Maude’s response to George’s translation is limited to the ineffably pedestrian ‘Mr Calderon’s English version is fluent’. As Vladimir Nabokov pointed out long ago, in translation ‘fluency’ and ‘readability’ may be the last refuge of a scoundrel. George’s version, in fact, is not ‘fluent’ in the sense of ‘plangent’, or of water running out of a drainpipe; it is alive, individual, and full of interesting English surprises.

The fact of the matter is, Maude and many other Edwardian Russia-fanciers, e.g. Maurice Baring and Constance Garnett, were good linguists but neither literary nor critical, which George Calderon was.

Nevertheless, at the end of his (?) review Maude conceded: ‘the big thing is that we are indebted to Mr Calderon for presenting this book to us in a form in which it can be read with pleasure’. This is very reminiscent of the compliment George paid to Maude in his TLS  review (6 October 1901) of the second volume of Maude’s biography of Tolstoy: he said he was ‘a man of a rare sort, himself an idealist, a seeker, an experimenter, of keen intelligence, devoted to public good’.

The mutual respect between two such different Russianists and men must have been an advantage when in 1913 Maude moved into lodgings with Marie Stopes and her first husband a hundred and fifty yards away at 14 Well Walk and Calderon and Maude occasionally passed in the street.

If anyone out there knows for certain who the author of this review was, will you please tell us in a Comment?

Next entry: The military situation

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9 January 1915: Commission

This is the final state of George Calderon’s application for a commission:

Decision on George Calderon's Commission, 9 January 1915

Decision on George Calderon’s Commission, 9 January 1915

The writing in red ink across the left hand side of the form reads: ‘Temporary Commission as Lieutenant in 9 Battln Oxford & Bucks Light Inftr & order to join’, dated today 1915.

This was a coup. Although in December the War Office was claiming that George’s military status was that of Interpreter, not 2nd Lieutenant, now he was being given a commission as a full lieutenant and with a first-rate regiment. The Oxfordshire Light Infantry had been formed in 1881, renamed in 1908, and were commonly known as the ‘Ox and Bucks’. In 1914 their 2nd Battalion had fought from Mons to Ypres and covered itself with glory at Nonneboschen on 11 November.

The letters ‘KIV’ in blue at the top of the form refer to the fact that the 9th Battalion of the Ox and Bucks was part of ‘K4’, the 4th Group of ‘Kitchener’s Army’, i.e. the New Army raised initially from volunteers following the outbreak of war. K4 had been created in November 1914 with six divisions; the 9th Ox and Bucks was in the 32nd Division.

At the present moment, the 9th Battalion was a ‘Service Battalion’ under orders of 96th Brigade. This meant it could see action but had only a defensive role: its main object was to provide ‘combat service’ to the brigade, i.e. vital logistical support for operations. However, as we shall see, this could change.

Clearly George had passed his medical with flying colours, but how on earth had he then achieved this flip behind the scenes from the Corps of Interpreters to a highly respected combatant regiment?

The main mover, probably, was Sir Coote Hedley, who worked within the General Staff and (George’s file reveals) could communicate between War Office departments on other people’s behalf. ‘Much against my will’, Hedley wrote in 1920, ‘I did my best and he got his commission’. G.F. Bradby, a contemporary of George’s at Rugby, wrote later: ‘it was inevitable that […] he would somehow find his way into the firing line. The story of how he succeeded is a romance in itself — a romance of which only he could have been the hero.’

Service and Reserve battalions trained recruits, but they also trained men returning to duty after being in medical care — presumably including subalterns — so this too might be how Calderon slipped into the 9th Ox and Bucks. Equally, the Oxford connection may have helped. Francis Newbolt, Henry’s son, had been at Oxford like his father, and wrote to George praising his regiment on 6 December 1914. Possibly George knew other Oxfordians in the Ox and Bucks and they helped him? Perhaps there was a connection between the regiment and Trinity College, Oxford, where George had been an undergraduate?

The power of Oxford networks in Edwardian life can hardly be overstated (curiously, one hears less of the Cambridge ones!). As Brian Harrison has analysed in Separate Spheres: The Opposition to Women’s Suffrage in Britain (1978), and Julia Bush discussed in Women Against the Vote: Female Anti-Suffragism in Britain (2007), both male and female Oxford networks were prominent in the anti-suffrage movement with which George was associated. Oxford connections also played an important part in staging George’s translations of Chekhov’s plays in successful productions in 1909 and 1925.

Next entry: A review

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The Medical

About now, Thursday 7 January 1915, George Calderon went before a Board for medical examination.

It is rather surprising how little concrete information one can obtain now about military medical examination procedures in the First World War. Recurrent themes are how perfunctory they were, the high percentage of young men who were rejected in 1914 as medically unfit, and an obsession with height.

George had no difficulty with the basic demands of the Army medical, as he had satisfied them back in August 1914. He was five foot nine and a half inches tall (the minimum was five foot three), had an expanded chest measurement of forty inches (the minimum was thirty-four), reasonable teeth, excellent vision, and ‘Good physical development’. Obviously, though, the question was how well, at the age of forty-six, had he recovered from his smashed fibula of two months ago? Did he mention the trouble he had had with his prostate gland? Was the latter cured, or was it something more sinister?

Without a doubt, if he had not worked on his physical condition with the exercises, professional massage and private medical care, he would not have been passed for active service in the Corps of Interpreters. This was because since George went to Windmill Hill Camp in September 1914 interpreters had become essentially orderlies. They had to run, and they had to be able to run fast. The group of young interpreters who superseded George around Colonel Gordon Wilson at Zillebeke in November 1914 were so active that they were nicknamed ‘the football team’.

Conversely, by January 1915 the Corps of Interpreters had become part of the nascent British Intelligence Service, and George could have found work in that. His linguistic, analytic, mathematical and cryptographical skills could have been invaluable. This is in fact what the ‘Godfather in War’, George’s friend at the War Office Sir Coote Hedley, wanted him to do: to ‘work away from the firing line’.

But Calderon had taken every step to pass the medical for active service. In Kittie’s view, ‘his strength of purpose was such that he simply hypnotised the Medical Officer into believing him fit’…

Next entry: 9 January 1915: Commission

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Phantom flies in amber

So George was preparing himself in earnest for his forthcoming medical. He mentions having ‘massages’. I have a clear recollection of reading somewhere that these were ‘electrical’ massages — presumably the latest thing — but I cannot for the life of me find now where I read that.

This is a phenomenon that I think, or hope, most biographers suffer from. In the course of researching something else, you read something at the edge of your vision, in the thinnest penumbra of the current focus of your inquiry, and years later you think it is significant, you desperately want to use it, but you are darned if you can find it.

These ‘facts’ stick there in your brain like flies in amber… They rapidly acquire ‘reality’ in your mind and memory… And that is the terrible shift, the insidious metamorphosis, because all the time you cannot find their source they could be entirely imaginary! 

Certainly, of course, you can’t use them, as they are unattributable.

Some examples in my case would be:

1. George Calderon not only did ‘exercises’ and had ‘massage’ when he was striving to get back into the Army, he had ‘electrical’, possibly even ‘magnetic’ massage, which would be typical of his obsession with the latest expensive gadget or fad. (Entirely unproven.)

2. His brother Henry had a child, because I once saw a very blurred announcement of the fact in the digital Times, noted it, but could never find it again. (See posts of 27 September, 11 October, 12 December.) No such child’s birth is registered in Britain for this period, so this ‘fly in amber’ is a phantom. Possibly I ‘confused’ it with an announcement of the death of George’s sister-in-law Kathleen in 1909.

3. Searching various digital newspapers about three years ago, I noticed that a ‘northern’ newspaper (the Manchester Guardian?) referred ‘in passing’ to George as a ‘playboy’. This ‘made sense’, I thought at the time, because when he was working with repertory theatre productions of his plays in northern Britain he had to throw parties, joked, smoked and doubtless flirted a bit, and he liked playing billiards and cards… When I wanted to make use of this, however, I could no longer find it, although I searched every digital newspaper I had previously looked at. I came to the conclusion that I was entirely deluded about this particular fly. But then last September it suddenly became real: Michael Caines quoted it from the TLS of 12 May 1921!

(To be continued.)

Next entry: The Medical

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(Commentary)

Staggered by flu, I did not have the energy to add any comments to my post of George’s New Year letter to William Rothenstein; but I will offer a few points now.

William Rothenstein is an extremely interesting figure. He was a prolific portraitist, but in my view uneven. Kittie, who was a trained painter, disliked Rothenstein’s portrait of George so much that, although it was exhibited in Chicago in 1912, it disappeared for over a hundred years after. Quite coincidentally, I was reading Matthew Dennison’s Behind the Mask: The Life of Vita Sackville-West yesterday and noticed Harold Nicolson said of Rothenstein’s portrait of his wife: ‘Vita was a beautiful woman and this is an ugly one.’

Similarly, Rothenstein was incredibly generous with his money to numerous struggling artists, but they repaid him with little gratitude or friendship. In the case of Augustus John and some others they repaid him with disgustingly anti-Semitic insults behind his back. It is, I believe, a tribute to Joseph Conrad’s and George Calderon’s integrity and cosmopolitanism that they never treated Rothenstein other than as a real friend whose sociability, cultural inquisitiveness and philanthrophy they valued.

After George’s letters to his parents (107), to Kittie (95), and to Grant Richards (30), more have survived to Rothenstein (17) than to any others of George’s friends. They cover the years 1903-15 and are exceptionally useful as sources about George’s first play, his anti-suffragism, his activity during the 1912 London Dock Strike, and the last seven months of his life. As Rothenstein recounted in his memoirs, when he lived in Hampstead he and George used to share early-morning walks on the Heath in which they talked about everything under the sun. It was Rothenstein who got George onto the steamer in a state of nervous collapse in 1906, for his recuperative voyage to Tahiti. Having done so, Rothenstein wrote to Kittie: ‘It was very hard for me to leave him […]. I love him very much, and I pray he may come back as strong and robust as he was of old.’

Calderon’s letters to Rothenstein are low on verbal exhibitionism. As with this one, they tend to ‘tell it how it is’ and their mood is one of relaxed, confident divulgence.

At first, the idea that Kittie ‘sets an exaggerated value on my company’ sounds outrageous: he had been away from home for three months and nearly been killed by a German sniper! Could he really not see how much she needed him back, and preferably for good? (As I have said many times, she was completely without family of her own in England now, and even her best friends were far from Hampstead.)

It might, just conceivably, be an objective assessment and Kittie was genuinely becoming over-dependent on him. On the other hand, in the third paragraph from the end he seems fully to appreciate his responsibility towards her. It was not just her un-wellness (pernicious anaemia, menopause?): she had been ‘through an anxious and wearing time, exerting her beyond her powers’. That, surely, was the truth. Kittie was a very bubbly, vibrant little Anglo-Irish person (her ‘titter’ was said to be infectious to her dying day), but she was religious, she was feminine to the tips of her fingers, and she had devoted the best part of her life to her relationship with George, both as his partner and his literary agent. She could not really accept this ‘man’s world’ of ‘soldiering’, or George’s determination to get himself killed in action at the age of 46.

Yet here he is, telling Rothenstein about ‘laying plans’ for the ‘continuation’ of his ‘campaign’ to get a commission in the Army. This certainly seems to confirm Percy Lubbock’s statement that Calderon loved nothing so much as the challenge of finding a way through ‘impossible’ obstacles. It was a game for him, but deadly earnest for Kittie.

When Calderon tells Rothenstein in the last paragraph of this letter that by the end of the war he won’t have any money to pay for the ticket to visit him in Gloucestershire, he is referring to the fact that his love-affair with the Army is depriving him of the ability to earn anything from new writing, translating, or journalism. Apart from his army pay, his only source of income now was royalties from his translations of Il’ia Tolstoi’s memoirs and two of Chekhov’s plays, and cheap editions of his own plays The Fountain and The Little Stone House.

Next entry: Phantom Flies in Amber

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1 January 1915

                                                                                                         42 WELL WALK,

                                                                                                                  HAMPSTEAD.

Jan.1st.1915.

My dear William,

Forgive my abominable behaviour in not answering your pleasant letters before. I have fallen into a routine of slight occupations, which means never to leave me free for the decencies of life. Massage, exercises, military reading, repose, visitors, what not. But I treasure your invitation to come and stay with you: a thing I should like to do of all things — but I do not see it as practicable just now. K. sets an exaggerated value on my company, and I am laying my plans for a continuation of the campaign. The fact that I was acting as a combatant when wounded makes it likely that I may get a commission as a combatant officer, and I am awaiting a reply to my application to the War Office. In any case I am still in the Corps of Interpreters and must soon go before a Medical Board for examination. So I shall go back in one quality or the other.

[…]

I can still less leave Kittie, because she has been far from well for a long time, and has been through an anxious and wearing time, exerting her beyond her powers. We have had Belgian refugees in the house since the middle of October — three at first, two now — hearty young men, who ought to be in the army, but I can’t tell them so. My love to Alice, who also wrote and asked me to come — and to the children, if they remember me.

My brother Frank drills with the United Arts Corps, and my young brother Fred (a child of 40) is on Salisbury Plain as a private in the Canadians. He’s on leave in London for a day or two, restored to his sorrowing family after 15 years absence in Ottawa — a strange thing, this war, to bring families together.

I look forward to a more peaceful time to enjoy my visit to you; though by then I doubt if I shall have any money to pay for the ticket. Never mind, I’ll walk.

Yours ever

George Calderon.

This letter is quoted by kind permission of Houghton Library, Harvard University, where it is conserved as MS Eng 1148 (218).

Next entry: (Commentary)

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23-31 December 1914: Christmas at Foxwold

Foxwold, by James W. Herald, c.1894

Foxwold, by James W. Herald, c.1894

Christmas Day 1914 was a Friday. Two days before, George and Kittie Calderon, together with their Belgian refugees Jean Ryckaert and Raymond Dereume, made their way by train to Sevenoaks, where they changed for Brasted. At Brasted station they were collected by pony and trap, most probably, and taken to the rather grand, but architecturally eccentric country house Foxwold (see parts of the 1985 Merchant Ivory film Room with a View). They returned to Hampstead on New Year’s Eve and on 1 January 1915 George wrote a cracking letter to William Rothenstein which will form my next posting.

Foxwold, which was owned by the thirty-five-year-old Captain C.E. Pym (‘Evey’), provided the perfect family Christmas for the Calderons. They adored his thirty-two-year-old wife Violet (‘Wiley’), her soldierly husband, and their three small children, who have featured in ‘Calderonia’ ever since my first posting on 30 July. Other Pym family members were there for Christmas, too. Just up the road was Violet’s parents’ home, Emmetts (see www.nationaltrust.org.uk/emmetts), which also had a full house this Christmas, and festivities were shared between the two houses.

The family connection between the Pyms and the Calderons was that Violet’s mother, Catherine Lubbock, née Gurney, was the half-sister of Kittie’s first husband, Archie Ripley (1866-98), who had been a close friend of George’s from their Oxford days. The Lubbocks were a large and famous family, a national treasure indeed. Violet was Catherine and Frederic’s only daughter. Her brothers were Guy, Cecil, Samuel, Percy, Roy and Alan, at least four of whom were present at this Foxwold-Emmetts Christmas.

One feels that Christmas at Foxwold must have been English and Dickensian par excellence. Evey Pym was frugal, but his father Horace, for whom Foxwold was built in 1885 , had famously entertained there, was a very successful Victorian ‘confidential solicitor’, a bibliophile, raconteur, and great admirer of Charles Dickens (whose sister-in-law Georgina Hogarth stayed at Foxwold for ten days in 1896). Surely something of Horace’s expansive conviviality rubbed off on the way his son kept Christmas in 1914?

The presence of children was vital to the festivities and to George and Kittie’s enjoyment. George was a master at organising games and charades, and according to Percy Lubbock he taught Ryckaert and Dereume to ‘build a toy theatre’ — presumably in order to stage a performance on it for the children. The construction probably took place in the largest room at Foxwold, Horace Pym’s L-shaped library. George painted the proscenium and Evey the Royal Arms at the top:

Toy theatre proscenium by George Calderon and C.E. Pym, Christmas 1914

Toy theatre proscenium by George Calderon and C.E. Pym, Christmas 1914

Calderon was ‘at his kindest and sunniest’, Percy Lubbock recalled: ‘What I see is his whimsical, interested face as he describes the delight of searching a ruinous farm-house in the dark, where a German sniper is concealed.’ He coached the Belgians in billiards and even ‘acted polyglot charades with them’. At Ypres on Christmas Day some of George’s former regiment, the Warwickshires, met their enemies in no man’s land.

On 27th there was a heavy fall of snow across Britain.

It was presumably at this point that, in Kittie’s words, ‘one of those glorified charades that George was so splendid at evolving was got up for the soldiers quartered in the village’. It was performed in the village hall. Unfortunately, we have no evidence that George acted in it himself as he had in his uproarious ‘Ibsen Pantomime’ at Emmetts in the festive season of 1911/12. ‘It was extraordinarily funny and clever’, Kittie wrote, and George ‘thoroughly, as usual, enjoyed his time at Foxwold’.

But, of course, the war was at the back of everyone’s minds. Percy Lubbock wrote in 1921:

That Christmas party had travelled far in a few months […] I seem to remember a frame of mind in which two firm convictions dwelt side by side — that the war must certainly end within a few months more, and that it would somehow not end after all; it was impossible to suppose that it would last, it was unimaginable that it should cease. But George himself was little concerned with this dilemma; he looked neither backward nor forward, he had work on hand that made the moment all-sufficient. He was a soldier in the war, slightly damaged for the time being, but well enough to be planning his return to activity […] I think of him as the one member of the party who seemed to live serenely in the midst of the upheaval, on sure foundations that he could trust. All around him were trying, more or less successfully, to adjust their balance to the new conditions; he, from the first moment of the war, was firmly on his feet, and never had to think of the matter again. […] He was one of the few whom the war found ready, morally and intellectually; he had no further preparations to make.

Kittie Calderon saw only the rehearsals for George’s show at Brasted village hall; she was not well enough to attend the performance. She had, in fact, not been well for some time. One would give a lot to know what her mystery illness was, but one can imagine some factors that influenced it.

All the images illustrating posts connected with Foxwold, and a huge amount of the information these posts contain, have been supplied with unstinting kindness and generosity by the descendants of Violet and Evey today. I am sure that followers of ‘Calderonia’ will want to join me in wishing the Pym family the most Dickensian of cheer this Christmas, one hundred years later and in happier times.

Next entry: 1 January 1915

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A biographer’s long breath

Back in September, on 27th to be precise, a former professor of American and English literature at Leeds University, Park Honan, died at the age of eighty-six. Since another former professor of English literature recently expressed to me the view that ‘biography isn’t serious writing’, I might be inclined to paraphrase Chebutykin in Three Sisters and comment: ‘one professor more, one less, does it matter?’…

In Honan’s case it does. He was one of the greatest literary biographers of our time. His 1974 biography of Robert Browning is arguably unsurpassed, and he recovered Matthew Arnold for us as a human and humane Victorian thinker. Honan’s excursions into the biographies of Jane Austen (1988) and Christopher Marlowe (2005) genuinely fleshed out lives that it had become usual to regard as obscure and unknowable. He even unearthed new aspects of Shakespeare’s biography, leading the doyen of British Shakespeare studies, Stanley Wells, to call the 1998 Shakespeare: A Life ‘the best available life of Shakespeare’. Honan’s posthumously to be completed biography of T.S. Eliot is likely similarly to shatter assumptions.

The obituaries offer glimpses into many fundamental questions about biography. For instance, although he was an ‘academic’, Honan wrote for the general reader; yet in Paul Vitello’s words (International New York Times, 21 October) his books were ‘praised by scholars for giving historical context to the lives of his subjects and for uncovering previously unknown information’. The perfect balance, then, and a pretty rare achievement. I shall probably return to a few of the ‘fundamental questions’ in this blog before I have finished, but let me touch on just two now.

In Vitello’s words, Honan believed that it is the biographer’s job to ‘inhabit his or her subject’s time, place and personal history’. Honan’s collection of essays Authors’ Lives: On Literary Biography and the Arts of Language should be an adequate answer to professorial disparagers of biography. There he makes it clear that biography is not just the construction of a narrative, it is understanding the life of a person from the past. This, Honan wrote, meant ‘changing oneself, one’s outlook, one’s orientation, until it is possible at least approximately to think and feel in the distant and lost world of the subject’.

I fervently believe this. Biography is an act of objective empathy: you study scrupulously the material/factual evidence you have about the ‘personal history’ and the ‘subject’s time and place’, but your actual job is to think and feel yourself into those worlds. ‘Inhabiting’, though, raises the usual problems of this kind of process. To put it bluntly, you have to inhabit, but you have to come out again in order to have a view of your own. You have to let go of your self to ‘become’ the self of the biography’s subject, but not quite: you have to recover your own identity in the process of writing the biography. These are rather philosophical matters, which I won’t delve into here. They relate directly, though, to another question that tributes to Honan have raised.

Each of his biographies took about a decade to research and write. This to me seems too long. Partly it is explained by the fact that he was holding down a university teaching job at the same time. Probably, though, he positively believed ten years was necessary as a guarantee of conscientiousness. I have to admit he was more realistic than me there, because thinking I could write George Calderon’s biography in two and a bit years was naive! But the reason I think ten years too long is that personally I couldn’t be engaged in that day-in-day-out empathetic process for that length of time. It is nervously exhausting and I want my own ‘self’ back. Park Honan had longer breath than me.

Next entry: 23-31 December 1914: Christmas at Foxwold

 

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Another big ‘Cauldron’

Rather late in the day, I asked my research assistant to look into the eldest of George Calderon’s brothers, Alfred Merigon Calderon, who was born on 7 June 1861, seven years before George, and was known to have emigrated to Canada (although he was in Hastings for the family photograph taken there on 1 January 1894, see my post of 27 September). Investigating Canadian records online is, of course, a different game from British.

I was not expecting much, but it turns out that A.M. Calderon became one of Canada’s most eminent architects, signed up in 1915 at the age of 55 (on his Officers’ Declaration Paper he gave it as 45!), and retired from the army in 1919 with the rank of Captain. He married a lady thirteen years younger than him, but they appear to have had no children.

See: Alfred Merigon Calderon: Designs of Style and Grace

Next entry: A biographer’s long breath

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The next week

There is no documentary evidence for what George did between 17 and 23 December 1914, when he and Kittie left for what she described as ‘a delightful Christmas at Foxwold [Brasted, Kent] with the Pyms’. But we can be pretty sure that he used the time to plot his return to combatant service. Sir Coote Hedley, who was high up at the War Office (see ‘The Godfather in War’, 26 August) doubtless advised him on how to break through the red tape, although Hedley believed that George would be best employed in Intelligence.

Another contact George may have used was Henry Newbolt, whom he had known since about 1898 and was politically close to. On 6 December 1914 Newbolt’s twenty-one-year-old son Francis wrote to George describing the regiment he, Francis, was now a member of, as the ‘magnificent’ Oxfordshire and Buckinghamshire Light Infantry. Francis had not yet been on active service with them, but they had been fighting on the Western Front since Mons and had particularly distinguished themselves at the Battle of Nonnebosschen Wood, Ypres, on 11 November. His father had probably been instrumental in getting him a place in this regiment. This may be significant for George’s own military destiny.

As well as working on military matters, between 17 and 23 December 1914 Calderon may have been putting some of his literary manuscripts in order, particularly those of his ballets for Fokine, his study of early Slav religions, and Tahiti.

Next entry: Another big ‘Cauldron’

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17 December 1914

                                                                 42 WELL WALK,

                                                                                               HAMPSTEAD.

Dec. 17. 1914.

To the Adjutant General.

Sir,

Not having yet seen my name in the Casualty lists, I have the honour to inform you that I was wounded near Ypres on October 29th, and sent back into hospital at Sussex Lodge, Regent’s Park.

Having been wounded while in action as a combatant officer, by appointment of the Battalion Commander, with the 2nd Batt. of the Royal Warwickshire Regt., I reported myself in hospital as a 2nd Lieut. in that Battalion. But I am informed that my real status is that of Interpreter. I went out on October 6th as Interpreter with the Royal Horse Guards, and was transferred as Interpreter to the 2nd Batt. of the Royal Warwickshire Regiment on Oct. 29.

I have the honour to remain,

Sir,

Your obedient servant

George Calderon

2nd Lieut. (Interpreter)

This is a masterpiece of bureaucratic massage. George had clearly decided to sidestep the recruitment authorities he had been dealing with hitherto, and go to the top. He had probably consulted with his ‘Godfather in War’, Sir Coote Hedley. There is nothing in this letter that is factually untrue, but the last line sends a clear message: he is a military man, a ‘2nd Lieutenant’, rather than an ‘Interpreter’…

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Total war comes closer

Today, 16 December 1914, at eight in the morning, three German battleships emerged from the fog off Scarborough and from a distance of less than half a mile shelled the town. Further up the coast at about the same time, three more German warships saw off four British destroyers that were outclassed, and opened fire on Hartlepool. An hour later, the first German formation arrived off Whitby and attacked that. By half past nine, all of the German ships had disappeared back into the fog.

These attacks on civilian centres were a reprisal for the destruction of a marauding German squadron of battleships at the Battle of the Falklands on 8 December 1914. However, they were far from being merely symbolic. At Scarborough eighteen people were killed, including children, and over eighty injured. At Hartlepool the German ships poured an incredible 1500 shells into the town in fifty minutes, killing 118 and wounding 200. At the tiny port of Whitby three people were killed, heavy damage was inflicted on property, and a large hole was blown in the west wall of the historic Abbey.

Obviously, the attacks caused panic and outrage. Where was the Royal Navy? Extreme frustration was expressed about its being stationed at Scapa Flow (300 miles from Scarborough). Actually the Admiralty had had intelligence that a German naval force was coming out, and half of the Grand Fleet had been sent to wait for it at Dogger Bank, but in thick fog and without radar they could not find it. The killing of babies at Scarborough and the shelling of Whitby Abbey were reminders, people felt, of what the country could expect if the Germans invaded — and fears of that were now rife, despite the fact that the German Army had been stopped at Ypres from seizing France’s Channel ports.

But in one sense the Germans’ attacks on Scarborough, Hartlepool and Whitby were completely counterproductive. They did not so much demoralise people as make them realise that the war was being waged not only on armies and navies, but on them. It was a quantum jump. One can be sure that it was not lost on George Calderon, meditating at 42 Well Walk, Hampstead, on ‘soldiering’ and the historical significance of this war. Only five months later a vital contribution would be made to appreciating the implications for Britain of what we would now call ‘total war’, by an old Oxford undergraduate friend of George’s — Michael Furse, Bishop of Pretoria.

Next entry: 17 December 1914

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