Ruth Scurr’s exhilarating experiment

In my post of 6 March I discussed an essay by Ruth Scurr about biography that had just appeared in the Guardian Review. Her essay stirred up a whole hive of issues that the modern biographer should be aware of and needs to address. I found it deeply stimulating. Its promise has now been fulfilled by Scurr’s blockbuster John Aubrey: My Own Life, which I defy anyone not to be enthralled by.

Biographers like myself need to read everything that is coming out in the genre, in order to keep their ideas about their own work fresh and fermenting. I suppose the last very long biography I read was Steven Naifeh’s and Gregory White Smith’s Van Gogh: The Life (2011). It was revelatory in every sense and the amount of detail it marshalled imparted an ‘experience’ of Van Gogh’s life that was not less than visceral. The authors also discoursed on the wider contexts of Van Gogh’s life and painting, which gave their book multiple perspectives and depths. But the biography was traditional in the sense of being linear and told in the third person — except, of course, for quoted diaries and letters.

John Aubrey: My Own Life is a diary, but ‘constructed’ (her word) by Scurr herself from fragments long and short of Aubrey’s own voluminous writings, arranged chronologically. It is told in the first person. Formally, then, it is an autobiography. Yet, of course, one feels as one reads it that one is reading a biography, because one ‘knows’ that a third person is constantly at work here: Ruth Scurr herself, the author of last resort who may be invisible in the text but is alone responsible for the selection and ordering of the ‘I’-story. In a traditional biography, of course, the outside other is always there, telling, contextualising, evaluating, but in John Aubrey: My Own Life the outside other seems invisible.

This is what makes it so innovative and fascinating as an experiment in biography. Ruth Scurr has partly answered the question I posed in my March post — how do we know these are all Aubrey’s words? — by explaining in her introduction (p. 12-13) that she has used ‘as many as possible of his own words’ and by meticulously sourcing each cento in her endnotes. I found myself wondering whether the schoolmaster’s ‘cane’ and such words as ‘gravity’, ‘microscope’, ‘atomic theory’ and ‘romantic’ were anachronisms introduced by Scurr; but she even explains in an endnote that Aubrey was one of the first to use ‘romantic’, so I am reassured. If it transpired that Scurr had a major subjective input into Aubrey’s ‘diary’, it would, I fear, undermine the book’s sense of objectivity as a biography. It would approximate it too much to fiction.

The idea that the book is Aubrey’s and Scurr’s simultaneously is wonderfully intriguing; it adds a frisson to reading (and the story of Aubrey’s life is moving enough as it is). But the sense of dual creation is far from unknown in literature. Shakespeare’s history plays are creations by Shakespeare and Holinshed at once. A modern stage version of Three Sisters, for instance, mysteriously contains at least the voices of Chekhov and his translator. Whilst Pasternak was writing Doctor Zhivago, he wrote to a friend: ‘when I write poems at the moment, I always write them into this person’s notebook, Yurii Zhivago’s’ (i.e. they became Zhivago’s poems and formed the last chapter of the novel). These ‘second’ authors — Holinshed, a translator, Pasternak, Scurr — are textual Cheshire Cats.

Another beguiling feature of Scurr’s book is her repeated statement that she wants to create a ‘portrait’ of Aubrey. I don’t myself associate this word with biography, as a ‘portrait’ seems to me to be static (synchronic), whereas a biography has to move through time, the lived life of its subject (diachronic). However, Scurr has brought this off, too: the book is chronologically linear, i.e. moves, but definitely produces a portrait of Aubrey, i.e. stands. Aubrey is alive all the time on its pages, simply because he is the ‘I’ telling his life. Yet it is Scurr who enables him to tell this life — his own life. She concludes her Introduction with the words: ‘Ultimately, my aim has been to write a book in which he is still alive’, and she has succeeded. The very real risk of this book has paid off.

Even so, I find the questions that Scurr raises about modern biography almost as stirring and mind-focussing as her book. ‘How and why do we tell the stories of earlier lives?’ she asks. ‘What is the nature of the relationship between biographers and their subjects?’ ‘Do we honour or betray the dead when we write about them?’ She has obviously meditated long on such questions and has rich, sometimes anguished experience of ‘finding a narrative form that fits the life (or lives) in question’, as she expressed it in her essay. I hope that one day she will give us the benefit of her answers to such questions.

Reading John Aubrey: My Life and Ruth Scurr’s thoughts about biography has made me speculate about the Calderon project in a number of new directions, for which I am extremely beholden to her. Perhaps, for instance, the real theme of George Calderon: Edwardian Genius is the utterly unfashionable notion of Edwardian genius, which I think I have made a contribution to understanding. The unique nature of Edwardian genius certainly fascinates me as much as George Calderon himself. I deeply feel it has something valuable to say to us today. Perhaps a more innovative form of biography, then, would reverse the terms of the title to Edwardian Genius: The Case of George Calderon?

Also, the technique that Ruth Scurr found for her biography — pieces of text (centones), a discontinuous narrative (parataxis), real time, verticality opposed to horizontality — reminds me so much of what I have discovered since starting this blog, that I am now inclined to see the blog as a modest twenty-first century form of biography in itself…

Next entry: 6-8 May 1915: The Second Battle of Krithia

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4 May 1915

On this day (a Tuesday) at Fort Brockhurst George received the following letter from Kittie’s lifelong friend Nina Astley, née Stewart, Nina Corbet by her first marriage:

The Cottage at the Crossways

Hoe Benham

Newbury

                                                 May 2 1915

My dear George,

          From my heart I thank you for your dear letter.

          Yes it is splendid and I thank God every minute — it was instantaneous, so that he could not regret — even for a moment all he was leaving behind him.

          For him — one can have no regrets — he is merely gone to a fuller life.

           But for the poor girl who was to have married him — it’s terrible. At that age — it’s so hard to keep one’s faith in anything — when your whole world has crumbled to ashes — in one moment.

          She is so plucky — so worthy of Jim — but every day her little face gets whiter and smaller.

          Dear George — always you have had a very warm corner in my heart — But more than ever now I feel I may say Your friend

                                                                Nina

Forgive me if I address you wrong.

The letter is Nina’s reply to George’s of 18/19 April (see my posts of 15, 17 and 20 April) and had been forwarded by Kittie from Hampstead. Obviously he was not able to attend a service for Jim Corbet at Moreton Corbet (see my post of 30 April), but the latter may explain why Nina had not responded to him before 2 May.

It was almost certainly the last letter Nina wrote him. She had been through so much herself, and was fantastically knowledgeable about the human heart. She doubtless realised she might not see George again for a long time, if ever, hence the emotion of her last paragraph. Since courting Kittie in 1899, he had been deeply challenged by her intimate relationship with Nina, but had always been respectful of it and given them their space.

In fact Nina played a vital part in bringing George and Kittie together. Shortly after the death of Kittie’s first husband, Archie Ripley, on 23 October 1898, she wrote to him from Kittie’s home, 17 Golden Square, Piccadilly: ‘Dear Mr Calderon, I know Kittie wants to see you this morning. Come if you can. She does not know that I am asking you. I am Kittie’s friend, Nina Corbet.’ Although George had played a part in Archie’s care in his final illness, until Nina’s letter he had been careful not to thrust himself forward.

The reason Nina apologises in the above letter for addressing George wrongly is that on the envelope she has not given his military rank (lieutenant).

Next entry: Ruth Scurr’s exhilarating experiment

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3 May 1915

By now Sir Ian Hamilton had lost over a quarter of his fighting force at Helles and desperately needed reinforcements. Churchill, Fisher and Kitchener, acting on the British and French admirals’ telegrams, anticipated Hamilton in his request and troops were already on their way from Alexandria and Marseilles.

Part of this package, perhaps, was that some officers from the 9th Battalion Oxfordshire and Buckinghamshire Light Infantry, stationed at Fort Brockhurst, were called up for active service. I have no further facts than are recorded by Percy Lubbock in 1921:

Early in May, 1915, […] George Calderon received his orders. He was to be sent to the East, as an unattached officer, it might be to the Dardanelles, it might be to Palestine or the Persian Gulf.

As I have discussed already (see post of 22 April), given George’s age and family circumstances he probably did not have to ‘volunteer’ for this and in any case afterwards his superior officers wished they had prevented him from going. But he assented.

Next entry: 4 May 1915

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Another eminent Calderon

I picked up The Second I Saw You: The True Love Story of Rupert Brooke and Phyllis Gardner at Waterstones recently and, as I always do with newly published Edwardiana, went straight to the index to see if ‘Calderon’ featured in it. Horrors, there were five references! What had I overlooked in my research? Letters from Calderon to Brooke? A whole story about joint attempts to get Lithuania staged in Britain? Advice from George to Rupert about Tahitian women?

At this stage in completing my biography, I must say I was relieved to discover on closer inspection that the references were to…William Francis Calderon.

Frank Calderon, born 1865, was George’s fourth elder brother and the one he saw most of in London (see my posts of 16 and 27 September 2014). He was a chip off his father Royal Academician P.H. Calderon’s block, except that he specialised in animal painting. He was a seminal force in a British school of animal painting, and his book Animal Painting and Anatomy (1936) is still highly respected and in print.

The reason he features in Lorna Beckett’s new book about Brooke is that the twenty-one-year-old Phyllis Gardner was attending the Slade School of Art and Frank Calderon’s School of Animal Painting in Baker Street when she first met Rupert Brooke. There are no references to George in it, but it is very interesting as a biography of Brooke and Gardner spanning the years 1911-15. I have bought it and intend to discuss it in July.

There are no letters from Frank Calderon in George or Kittie’s archive. Amazingly, there is also no photograph of him, when the rest of Clara Calderon’s family (apart from Henry) are pretty well illustrated. The only photograph I have ever seen of Frank Calderon is at http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/William_Frank_Calderon and it looks to me as though it could actually be of his father.

However, there is an early example of Frank Calderon’s work in the remnants of George’s library, and that is the book The Most Delectable History of Reynard the Fox, edited with Introduction and Notes by Joseph Jacobs (Macmillan, 1895), which was designed and illustrated by him:

Cover by Frank Calderon

Cover

Frontis piece by Frank Calderon

Frontispiece

Reynard the Fox inscription by Clara Calderon

Inscription by Clara Calderon

This is certainly a beautiful book, and P.H. Calderon was very proud of his son’s work. As we see from the last image above, it was given to George as a present from his mother at Christmas, 1895. There may seem nothing remarkable about that, but George was in Russia at the time and when it arrived he had to spend a day languishing at St Petersburg’s Custom House before they would yield it up (see his account in Pall Mall Gazette 20 February 1896). So this particular copy has been to Russia and back!

Frank and Ethel Calderon (née Armstead) were the parents of Philip Hugh Calderon (b. 1893) and Joan Calderon (b. 1896), who as children performed in the famous Christmas pantomimes that George got up at Heathland Lodge. As a young sea cadet, Philip saw George off at Tilbury for Tahiti in April 1906, in the company of his father and William Rothenstein. Philip was the father of the French wildlife film-maker Gérald Calderon (1926-2014), whose biography has recently appeared on Wikipedia.

Next entry: 3 May 1915

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The Turkish counter-attack

If the events at Helles on 28 April amount to the First Battle of Krithia, those of 1-4 May deserve to be called the Second. Liman von Sanders’s forces were now overwhelming. He was peremptorily ordered by his War Minister, Enver Pasha, to ‘drive the invaders into the sea’. On the night of 1 May Turkish troops armed only with bayonets crept up to the British trenches across the whole Helles front, attacked, and were mown down in their hundreds. A ferocious assault was mounted on the particularly difficult position of the French north of Morto Bay, which nearly collapsed in the hand-to-hand fighting. However, in daylight on 2 May the Royal Navy were able to halt the Turkish attack here with shells and shrapnel from offshore, and the French retook the ground they had lost. Heavy fire was exchanged all along the line again that night. On the night of 3 May another attack was launched on the French sector, eventually beaten off, and ‘at daybreak the retreating Turks, caught in the open by the French 75 mm’s, were literally blown to pieces’ (Official History). Turkish losses between 1 and 4 May were extreme. Hamilton and Hunter-Weston now prepared to launch their own Second Battle of Krithia.

I think I am pretty familiar with World War I poetry in several languages, but I’m not aware of any written at or about Gallipoli. Is this significant? Can anyone put me wise?

Next entry: Another eminent Calderon

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Kittie’s story

As I have said before, none of George and Kittie’s letters to each other written whilst he was at Fort Brockhurst has survived (there is an envelope addressed to her by George and postmarked Gosport 3 May, but no letter inside it). In fact no letters written by her are known from the middle of April till the middle of June 1915.

This makes it difficult to picture what Kittie was doing at this time, and one would like to.

The Belgian refugees Jean Ryckaert and Raymond Dereume were still living with the Calderons at 42 Well Walk, and we know from George’s letter to William Rothenstein of 1 January (see post) that this was quite a strain for her.

Although she had not been able to go straight to her friend Nina Astley (Corbet) after she received news on 17 April of Jim Corbet’s death on 15th, it is possible that she attended a service for him at St Bartholomew’s Church, Moreton Corbet, about now. Moreton Corbet is the ancient seat of the Corbet family (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Moreton_Corbet) and St Bartholomew’s contains many superb monuments to them, including a plaque commemorating Jim (Sir Roland James Corbet). Jim’s elder brother Vincent, and their father Sir Walter Orlando Corbet, are buried in the churchyard and Kittie had attended both of their funerals.

As we know from various third persons, Kittie was constantly fighting off (unnamed) illness at this time. It must have debilitated her. One wonders whether, on top of managing the large house, refugees, and her numerous friends and George’s relations who were worried for them both, she was able to work very often as a V.A.D. nurse.

The deadly underlying stress for her was, of course, knowing that now George was in a Reserve Battalion he could be sent to a front at any time. The first news of the Gallipoli landings had hit the British newspapers on 27 April, but very little still was divulged about them. It probably did not occur to Kittie, or even George, that he might be sent there; but what was happening at Ypres now was bad enough. Kittie’s friends had tried diplomatically to steer George away from active service abroad. Her own attempts may well have ended in tears. But recall what she said in her memoirs about her ‘suggestions’ to George for work on the home front: ‘They were worth Nothing.’

Next entry: The Turkish counter-attack

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The biographer discombobulated

I am greatly entertained by Mistress Ruth Scurr’s new book John Aubrey: My Own Life. It contains 433 pages. My honoured friend Mr William Harvey warns me that I shall acquire an impostumation if I sit reading it much longer.

I am surprised that so much of it is already familiar to me. But I am completely possessed by the man and his English style. I fear I shall develop his stammer.

.     .     .

I proposed to Mr Hooke that the Royal Society might investigate how it is that printed writing can be both a man’s (Mr Aubrey’s) and a woman’s (Mistress Scurr’s) at the same time. He refused, saying, ‘No two bodies can occupy the same space!’  He has lent me thirty-five shillings in the past month, and now this fart.

.     .     .

Today at Joe’s coffee house Sir Blewbottle Harston told me that he doubted I would be able to “blogg” about Mistress Scurr’s book with my customary tediousness until I had stopped thinking, speaking and writing like it. I agreed with my good friend. I believe I shall need a week to recover my equipoise.

Next entry: Kittie’s story

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28 April 1915: The First Battle of Krithia

Yesterday a general advance began at Helles, occupying the ground vacated by Turkish forces the day before. The Allied line now extended from coast to coast about two miles up from the tip of the Cape. Simultaneously, Turkish reserves streamed southwards to reinforce their line and dig in.

Today the commander of the 29th Division, Major General Aylmer Hunter-Weston, launched an over-sophisticated attack designed to take the village of Krithia, about two miles away, and Yazy Tepe (Hill 472) to its north, as the prelude to engulfing Achi Baba from the west and south on another day.

The battle began at 8.00 a.m. Many units had not received their orders in time to be fully prepared to attack. ‘An extreme fatigue had now overtaken the soldiers’ (Alan Moorehead). The French, in the most exposed position on the right of the line, were counter-attacked by fresh Turkish forces and had to fall back over ground captured in the morning. The 88th Brigade to their left had to follow suit or be outflanked. On the extreme left, the 87th Brigade were halted in Gully Ravine by machine gun fire near Y Beach.

At the end of a day in which the British line had been repeatedly breached, very little advance had been made anywhere and the Allies had sustained 3000 casualties. The Turkish defenders had lost about 2400 men.

Next entry: The biographer discombobulated

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George Calderon’s ‘magnum opus’

27 April 1915 was a Tuesday, so George was presumably back at Fort Brockhurst, having returned from weekend leave yesterday.

The only other literary work that he may have tinkered with when he was home at weekends was a book about Slavonic paganism and folklore which he had been researching and writing since he was in Russia in 1896.

In George Calderon: A Sketch from Memory, Percy Lubbock devotes several invaluable pages to this work. They are invaluable for the facts that they contain, but I profoundly disagree with his conclusions about the work.

Percy describes how the book ‘grew and spread’ after George returned to Britain in 1897 and continued researching the subject at the British Museum, he says that it did not ‘grow beyond his control’, but he strongly implies that George fell prey to what I would call ‘magnum opus syndrome’, i.e. the impulse to continue indefinitely. Percy regrets that this essentially anthropological work diverted George from ‘creative’ writing:

I confess that when I turn over the stacks of papers which represent the labour he bestowed on six thousand years of Indo-Europeans; sheets of references, extracts, finished pieces, lists of strange words, philological roots, liturgical forms, primordial symbols; all his multifarious matter assorted and arranged as on the day when he last touched it, immediately ready for his hand whenever he should decide to take it  up again: I confess I could wish he had happened to overlook that very astonishing Bulgarian folk-lore. His imagination might have been creating and producing all that time nearer home […]; his life, with its perpetual assimilation of the life around him, might have been recorded in substance and form.

But with his own strictly aesthetic focus, Lubbock was unlikely to find George’s scholarly activity sympathetic; nor do I believe he made any effort to read what George had actually published on folklore and religion and understand where this ‘magnum opus’ was going.

Demon Feasts, as it was originally called, was not just a congeries of notes and references. Percy himself says that parts of it were ‘finished’ and that ‘on the eve of the war’ George was close to putting ‘the leading ideas it embodied […] into final shape’. George’s reviews of anthropological works in the TLS, some letters, and his 1913 article in the Classical Review, ‘Slavonic Elements in Greek Religion’, give us, I believe, a very good idea of the book’s nature. I doubt very much whether Percy Lubbock read these.

The inspiration of George’s book was probably James Frazer’s The Golden Bough (1890), which personally I find unreadable. George was knitting together a vast skein of Slavonic, Greek, and Indo-European religious practices on the basis of homology, analogy, and in particular philology. It was the latter that George’s friend the French Slavist Paul Boyer objected to; in fact rejected. Moreover, George’s reviews of other anthropologists’ work suggest that (a) he could not decide whether religious practices had spread geographically or were the result of polygenesis, (b) his approach was diachronic, but he had little historical evidence to hang it on. Altogether, one could not today describe his methodology as scientific. He substantiates, ‘verifies’, the connections he makes, but they are hardly ‘falsifiable’ in the first place. Ultimately, I feel, the picture he was weaving in his ‘magnum opus’ was probably more like the poetic systems of William Blake, say, or the late Ted Hughes, rather than the empirical structuralism of modern anthropology.

However, if there was one thing George Calderon the ex-barrister could do it was argue a case. I showed his 1913 article to the present Professor of Slavonic Studies at Cambridge University, Dr Simon Franklin, and he felt that it was ‘very cleverly and impressively written’ and certainly offered ‘a way into the history of mankind’, even if it would not be rigorous by today’s academic standards. This seems praise indeed.

After George’s death, Kittie sought a Slavist who could either create the book George intended from the materials he had left, or use the materials for his/her own scholarly ends. It seems no such Slavist could be found in Britain. One possibility was for the materials to go to a former colleague of George’s, a Professor Rose in Leipzig, but nothing further is known of that. A 1938 letter in Kittie’s archive from the American Slavist Fritz Epstein suggests that Kittie’s friend, the educationist Isabel Fry, was instrumental in getting the materials to Epstein, who was extremely keen to have them and work on them with other Harvard specialists in ‘Slavonic philology’. However, I have failed to find any sign of the papers in U.S. archives.

As usual, George was too far ahead of his time for Slavonic Studies in Britain to appreciate what he was doing. In the 1930s, let alone today, his research/writing on Slavonic folklore and religious cults would have been extremely useful to British specialists in those fields. But it seems to have disappeared without trace.

Next entry: 28 April 1915: The First Battle of Krithia

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26 April 1915

By one o’clock this morning all the remaining first-wave troops had been safely landed at V Beach, Helles. They began to dig themselves in and cut their way through the heavy barbed wire up the beach. The navy battered the Turkish positions again and fresh troops were brought ashore, with stores and water.

At about 7.00 a.m., however, the Turks launched an attack at Y Beach and nearly drove the KOSB over the cliff-top. A ferocious charge regained the position, but panic and confusion took hold and the navy began an evacuation, which was complete by mid-day.

Although the Royal Fusiliers at X Beach and the Lancashire Fusiliers at Y Beach had joined up yesterday and with other regiments managed to take Hill 138 in the middle of the Helles front, by nightfall they had not fought their way to behind V Beach.

Here today there was a desperate shortage of leadership because so many senior ranks had thrown their lives away the day before in ‘death or glory’ heroics. But Colonel Dick Doughty Wylie stepped forward and, armed with only a swagger stick, led a charge with other officers that occupied the Sedd el Bahr Fort by 8.00 a.m. He then commanded the clearance of the village and older fort behind it in the afternoon, but was killed at the fort by a sniper because he refused to crouch down.

‘Doughty Wylie was desperately needed in his role as a staff officer: to help arrange the disembarkation of troops, reorganise formations, and ensure that a logistical framework was in place for the next step of the battle by preparing and distributing coherent plans. But his act of foolish bravado in the moment of triumph […] as a prime example of British overconfidence in the face of dangerous Turkish opposition is hard to beat’ (Peter Hart, Gallipoli, p. 168).

Doughty Wylie was the Platonic lover of the Arabist, archaeologist and formidable administrator Gertrude Bell, with whom George Calderon had worked closely in the anti-suffrage movement in 1910. She was of inestimable help to Kittie after 4 June in trying to establish what had happened to George.

By about 3.00 p.m. today the Turkish defenders of Helles were in planned retreat towards Krithia. The scattered bridgeheads at Helles were joined together, the rest of the 29th Division was got ashore, and the French 1st Brigade began to arrive.

Next entry: George Calderon’s ‘magnum opus’

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25 April 1915: The bloodbath begins

At 4.30 this morning the first ANZAC troops began landing at Z Beach on the Gallipoli Peninsula. They were not strongly opposed, as von Sanders’s strategy was to keep a light screen around the coast until it was clear where the Allied landings actually were, then feed in his central reserves. Through the day, the landings and the advance at Z Beach became more and more chaotic and the Turkish defence ever fiercer. By nightfall the situation for the Anzacs was critical. Their commander, General Birdwood, even contemplated taking the force off again. Hamilton, however, told him there was ‘nothing for it but to dig yourselves right in and stick it out’. The landing had been a failure and the Anzacs were confined to an incredibly narrow bridgehead for the next eight months.

At Y Beach the 1st King’s Own Scottish Borderers (to whom George would eventually be attached) scaled sheer cliffs in the semi-dark and at first met no resistance. However, they did not dig in, nor did they advance until the afternoon. It was then a similar story to Z Beach. They became desperate for reinforcements, which did not arrive, and ‘all night the Turks pressed hard all along the overstretched line’ (Peter Hart).

At X Beach the naval support was highly effective, the Royal Fusiliers pushed on to their objective, which they had captured by noon, but they were forced almost back to the cliffs by a Turkish counter-attack in the afternoon.

At W Beach, the Turkish defences had not been effectively shelled by the navy and the Lancashire Fusiliers were mown down as they came ashore or lay by the wire waiting for it to be cut. The situation was saved by an outflanking attack, but even so Turkish reinforcements prevented the British troops from achieving their objective of joining up with the main landing force at V Beach.

It was at V Beach that the biggest disaster occurred. This was the most strongly defended point at Cape Helles. As the River Clyde, containing two thousand men, grounded to the left of Sedd el Bahr Fort just after 6.00 a.m., followed by open rowing boats containing the Dublin Fusiliers, a storm of fire broke out from the castle and Turkish trenches. The first assault force was practically shot to pieces or drowned before reaching land. The landings from the ‘Trojan Horse’ of the Clyde had not been thought out or rehearsed in detail and turned into fiasco and mass slaughter. The sea was red with blood. Two platoons were successfully landed to the right of the castle, advanced on the village, but were beaten back. The landing force suffered about 1000 casualties in the course of the morning and the attempt to disembark the rest was called off until nightfall.

The map tells a terrible story of failure. It had been thought a reasonable objective to join up the forces at Y, X, W, V and S Beaches and take the commanding height of Achi Baba, five and a half miles from Helles, on the first day. The Expeditionary Force never reached Achi Baba or Mal Tepe in the entire course of the campaign.

Gallipoli Landings 25 April Map

(Figure from the official history, Crown Copyright 1928)

As with my post yesterday, I feel the less I comment on the Gallipoli campaign the better. No-one, probably, has put it better than Nigel Steel, Principal Historian for the Imperial War Museums, in his interview ‘Gallipoli Dissected: What Did Britain Get Wrong?’ at http://www.historyanswers.co.uk, and Peter Hart in Gallipoli (Profile Books, 2013).

My biography of George Calderon has grown into an examination of the Edwardian ethos or mindset. I will merely say, then, that for me the Gallipoli campaign exemplifies the very worst about the Edwardians (naive over-confidence and arrogance) and something of the best (individualism and courage).

Next entry: 26 April 1915

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24 April 1915

The 23rd and 24th April were days of matchless beauty, and the glistening splendour of the sea and sky was a picture such as can only be found in the Aegean, and there only in days of early spring. To all who watched, amid those exquisite surroundings, the crowded ships of the covering force steam slowly out of Mudros, that unforgettable pageant of British manhood moving into battle is engraved on heart and mind as a proud and poignant memory. The task in front of the troops was one that no other army had ever been called upon to face; and they were facing it as a long-expected holiday. As each transport passed through the waiting fleet, cheer upon cheer broke out from her crowded decks and the watching blue jackets cheered and cheered again. The die was now cast. With the issue shrouded in uncertainty, one fact alone was clear. If the capture of the beaches was humanly possible, those gallant troops would do it.

                         Military Operations: Gallipoli (1929), vol. 1, p. 151

Next entry: 25 April 1915: The bloodbath begins

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St George’s Day 1915

This morning the weather in the Aegean was fine and clear. Admiral de Robeck therefore ordered the smaller craft in the harbour of Mudros to move to Tenedos — the first step towards assembling the fleet for landings at Gallipoli on 25th.  The French force and the Royal Naval Division were already at Skyros.

This afternoon, Sub Lieutenant Rupert Brooke of the RND died of sepsis in a French hospital ship off Skyros and was buried by his friends at 11.00 p.m. in an olive grove high on the island. The news soon spread at home. George Calderon had done his best to help Brooke get his curtain-raiser Lithuania performed, Brooke had written to him about it from Canada in 1913, and perhaps after Brooke’s return via Tahiti George and he had discussed their respective experiences of the island.

Today Francis, the twenty-two-year-old son of George’s close friend Sir Henry Newbolt, was wounded at Ypres and sent back to Britain with severe shell shock. He was with the 3rd Battalion Ox and Bucks and had written to George on 6 December 1914. Doubtless George soon heard the news on the regimental grapevine. He had known Francis and his sister Celia since they were children.

Next entry: 24 April 1915

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The note darkens

I did not notice it when I got to this point in writing the chapter in my biography, but the day-by-day ‘real time’ of the blog has brought it home to me: the note has definitely darkened by this date in George and Kittie’s lives.

It is not just the death of Jim Corbet, which certainly had a deeply depressing effect on them both, and which George even refers to obliquely in the last letter he ever wrote. Several people have emailed me about my posts concerning Corbet’s death. What I haven’t mentioned, but is well attested, is the number of sons of the Calderons’ other friends that were being killed at about the same age as him.

But the other source of depression for Kittie was, of course, the fact that her husband was now in the front line reserve and could leave for active service at any time. The situation regarding married men seems to have varied, but I believe that as a married man with no children and a wife who was totally dependent on him (she had no near relatives in this country), he could have successfully petitioned to remain in Britain. This is presumably why two of his superior officers in the Ox and Bucks said later that they should not have ‘let him go’ on active service.

Given George’s history of depression, the knowledge that he might be about to leave for active service and get killed must have had a psychological effect on him too, which he repressed. He looks by far the glummest and tensest soldier on the battalion photograph (see my post of 10 April), and one feels he is straining to appear humorous and unconcerned in his letter to his mother from Fort Brockhurst yesterday. His unique sense of the absurd and grotesque — which we saw plenty of in his letters from Ypres — seems almost entirely to disappear from his life now. His commitment to the cause was magnificent, of course, but he had left himself (and Kittie) ‘no way back’.

The Second Battle of Ypres opened today with the Germans releasing 168 tons of chlorine gas at dawn over a four-mile front held by French forces. About 5000 troops were killed in the first ten minutes.

At Mudros the final preparations for the Gallipoli landings had been made. The attack was planned for 23 April, but bad weather yesterday and today meant the departure of the invasion fleet had to be postponed.

Next entry: St George’s Day 1915

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21 April 1915

Fortis est veritas

9th Batt. Oxfordshire & Buckinghamshire Light Infantry

Wednesday

My dear Mother,

          Haven’t I been writing regularly? Well, you know there’s plenty to do here, and once I’ve got off a sheet to K., my writing powers are pretty well at an end. We’re up and out with a cup of strong tea and a biscuit in us by 6.30; then there’s Swedish exercises on the lawn or the path; and a run round the roads and fields, from which I generally excuse myself (‘quite right’ says the Colonel). Breakfast, then musketry all day, the handling of the rifle, muscle exercises, studying aiming and trigger pressing etc.  The great feature of our infantry that makes it better than the German is its skill in musketry.

          You know that I command one of the ‘service platoons’. A battalion has 4 companies; a company has four platoons. Our battalion has been made a reserve battalion; and four platoons of the best men have been chosen for the first line of reserve, the first to be called to the front. Two officers to each service platoon.

           Well, the best 55 men of our company, some of the best men in the regiment, are under my command, specially preparing; so I’m pleased and proud of my warriors. However they’re mostly away on pass till Friday.

          We go about when we can and do attacks and defences on open ground and play the Boy Scout generally. Then there’s bayonet fighting, bayonet fixing and a heap of other things; besides lectures which we mug up and deliver to the men now and again.

          So we’ve a pretty full time; and that’s the programme.

          Love to all the ducklings.

                    Your affectionate son

                                George

This is the last letter from George to his mother Clara that is known. She was staying at her holiday cottage in Ringwood only thirty miles away close to the New Forest. ‘K.’, of course, is Kittie Calderon.

‘Swedish exercises’ were callisthenics without apparatus. It is very tempting to think it significant that George is dropping out of the cross-country running and that the field days seem geared to open warfare rather than trench warfare (see my post of 15 April).

By implication, he is saying that his platoon is one of the best four in the battalion, which comprise a reserve company that will be the first to be called to the front. However, officers were in more demand than privates and therefore could be asked to volunteer for missions that separated them from the men they had been training, who would eventually become a ‘draft’ to a particular part of the front.

Clearly the situation was now extremely worrying for Kittie: George could be invited to volunteer for active service at any time, and she knew only too well that nothing would stop him going.

Next entry: The note darkens

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20 April 1915

Brinsop Court. Hereford. (Statn Credenhill. Tels Burghill.)

Tuesday

Darling Dina,

It’s absolutely unthinkable that you are not here, and I do know how you are feeling about it, but time and space are nothing, and your dear spirit just wraps me round and holds me close. I don’t feel much, except at intervals but just go on — eating a great deal — and last night I really slept quite a lot. The 2 nights before I had been mostly with Phyllis. You see mercifully there has been Phyllis, Mother and Lesbia, all needing one, so one has just been very busy, and much to write and think of. […]

I have had such beautiful letters from so many kind and real friends, and such a darling letter from George. Father Waggett buried Jim. So curious, don’t know him, but he is a very old friend of Huie’s and Con’s and Brookies — so it was nice to think of him doing the service. No more now but am always yr devoted

T.O.

This is an extract from a letter written today by Nina Astley (Corbet) to Kittie Calderon, enclosing Nina’s handwritten copy of the letter from Colonel Geoffrey Feilding at Givenchy explaining the circumstances of Jim Corbet’s death (see my post for 15 April). Feilding’s letter had reached Nina yesterday.

‘Phyllis’ appears to be a young relation of Nina’s daughter Lesbia, aged ten. ‘Mother’ is Nina’s mother, Eliza Stewart, then aged about seventy. Dick Sutton mentions in a letter of 13 March 1915 bumping into ‘Father Waggett’ at Boulogne; possibly he was a former Eton chaplain. ‘Huie’ is the former priest Hubert Delaval Astley, married to ‘Con’, Constance Sutton by her first marriage and née Corbet. ‘Brookie’ is Edward Brooke, possibly a former tutor of Jim Corbet’s and Dick Sutton’s. ‘T.O.’ means ‘T’Other’.

George Calderon’s letter to Nina Astley on the death of her son Jim has not survived. She replied to it on 2 May, however, and he received her letter at Fort Brockhurst on 4 May. It will be quoted in full on that day this year. The most likely reasons Kittie could not go to Herefordshire to comfort Nina are that George was at home on leave until today and she was probably still suffering from psychosomatic illness or pernicious anaemia.

Next entry: 21 April 1915

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