10 March 1915

Today, Wednesday 10 March, a War Council meeting was held at which Kitchener announced that he would now send his last Regular Army division, the 29th, comprising about 15,000 men, to the Mediterranean to join the forces being despatched from Egypt (see my posts of 16 and 19 February). The idea seems still to have been that, with its Russian allies, this force would take Constantinople, not fight its way up the Gallipoli Peninsula. Churchill told the War Council that he still believed the East Mediterranean Fleet could get through the Straits (‘take’ the peninsula?) without the army’s help.

Kitchener now decided to appoint General Sir Ian Hamilton as Commander-in-Chief of the Anglo-French military force in the East Mediterranean. Hamilton, who may well have been distantly related to Kittie Calderon, was a hero of the Boer War, a forward-thinking general, and a popular choice. But he was now sixty-two. A Liberal, classicist, fluent writer of prose and poetry, he was considered by the prime minister, Asquith, to have ‘too much feather in his brain’.

Next entry: The Battle of Neuve Chapelle

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9 March 1915

Today, the Commander of the East Mediterranean Fleet, Admiral Sackville Carden, suddenly telegraphed the Admiralty that he could do no more to knock out the Intermediate Defences of the Dardanelles until he had received more planes for aerial reconnaissance inland. Meanwhile, he would concentrate on clearing the lines of mines across the Straits, because without doing that he could not get within decisive range of the ‘Inner Defences’. But his minesweepers had hardly been very successful so far. They were trawlers manned by fishermen who did not regard it as part of their contract to sweep mines under heavy fire…

Next entry: 10 March 1915

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8 March 1915

On this day the East Mediterranean Fleet’s bombardment of the shore batteries at the Dardenelles that had begun on 25 February was suspended. It had not gone well.

The shelling of the outer forts, from a very safe distance, appeared to have been successful, but the Turks had simply evacuated them because they realised the old-pattern guns there could do nothing useful. When the ships moved further up the Straits to destroy the so-called Intermediate Defences, they found themselves under attack from mobile guns such as howitzers, which were impossible to pinpoint and take out.

Meanwhile, at first landing parties had been unopposed at Kum Kale and Sedd el Bahr, but when the weather allowed them on 4 March to return to finish destroying guns there, they were fiercely opposed and twenty-three marines killed. The Turks were no longer intimidated by naval fire and kept regrouping.

For the next three days the shelling continued, but in the words of the Official History the operations were ‘barren of important results’.

Tonight a certain Turkish mine expert, Lieutenant-Colonel Geehl, took his ship the Nusrat down into a bay on the Asian side of the Dardanelles and laid a line of twenty mines parallel to the coast, because he had seen British ships manoeuvring there the day before. Nobody noticed him.

Next entry: 9 March 1915

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Who was George Calderon (again)?

I first posted on this subject last year, 13 September. The reason I am touching on it again now is that a follower has very kindly sent me a cutting from the International New York Times of 23 January which is about biographies of people who (like George Calderon) have never had biographies written of them before.

In this article, Thomas Mallon calls for the first biography of American writer Tom Wolfe (still alive at 84), and Ayana Mathis calls for the first biography of American ‘novelist, cultural critic, and jazz and blues scholar’ Albert Murray, who died in 2013. They both make out excellent cases, but I don’t think publishers are going to rush to take them up.

Since Wolfe is still alive, what publishers will really want is a sensational autobiography, whether ghosted or not, and pace Ruth Scurr (see my post yesterday) autobiography is not a department of biography. With Albert Murray, I fear, few publishers will get further than a bemused ‘Who was Albert Murray?’.

These are two reasons why our own bookshops are not awash with new biographies in the sense of biographies of people who have not had biographies written of them before. Books about people’s lives may have outsold history in Britain last year, but those books consist almost entirely of celebrity stories of the living, memoirs (fictionalized or not), and ‘new’ biographies of people who have had biographies written of them before.

I know this myself from regular forays into Waterstones and Blackwells over the past year. I would say that 95% of the ‘new’ biographies are of very well known people who have had biographies of one sort or another written of them before. For instance, in the context of WW1, Sassoon, Owen, Brooke, Thomas, but (I think) no-one who is not ‘iconic’ already. And this is hardly surprising. As publishers have written to me, George Calderon’s life may be ‘vibrant…full of action…poetic…remarkable…very human’, and his self-sacrifice luminous, but if they can’t sell 6000 copies they are not going to publish it.

Naturally, as the author I believe they can sell more than 6000 copies of an innovative biography of an Edwardian genius, but as a one-time businessman myself I perfectly well understand why they may not take the risk.

It seems to me dreary and unintelligent to keep bunging out ‘new’ biographies of, say, Shakespeare, Dickens, Austen or Vita Sackville-West, when these contain hardly any new facts that can’t be found in previous biographies. But, of course, we mercifully do not live in a command economy and well-written ‘new’ biographies of such ready-made celebrities are relatively low-risk!

I would be the first to agree that a biography that contains no new facts but presents a fresh interpretation of its subject, is valuable. But you hardly ever find that in full-length biographies of, say, the celebrities named in the previous paragraph. Thanks to John Aubrey, I was seduced into presenting my own take on Chekhov (Hesperus Press, Brief Lives, 2008), but that was because, after forty years of living with Chekhov, I was bursting to say certain things about his works and life that I think had not been said before. I would never have dreamt of writing a ‘new’ full-length biography of Chekhov, as I couldn’t have added many new documented facts to those in the full-length biographies by Simmons (1963), Hingley (1976), and Rayfield ( 1997). Incidentally, the fifty or sixty Russian and European-language biographies of Chekhov that already existed could not hold a candle to the last three, but Simmons, Hingley, Rayfield, and even Miles, were fortunate in that the demand for biographies of Chekhov already existed…

If there is no ‘demand’ for a new biography, in the sense of a subject of whom publishers ask ‘Who is he?’, then they are not going to take the risk of publishing it. I still have a long way to go with publishers and I’m certain that by hook or by crook George Calderon: Edwardian Genius will eventually be published — with, even, its full complement of illustrations. But the above, I submit, explains why commercial publishing of genuinely new biography is almost at a standstill in our country.

Next entry: 8 March 1915

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A biographer in-spires

I have just read a long article by Ruth Scurr, ‘Lives, some briefer than others’, in last Saturday’s Guardian Review (28 February), which I thoroughly recommend to followers if they can get it, along with a piece by Stuart Kelly, ‘Enter John Aubrey’, which can be accessed through the TLS Blog link on the right (go to ‘More recent pieces from the TLS’). Both articles arise from the imminent publication of Ruth Scurr’s ‘biography’ of Aubrey, John Aubrey: My Own Life.

I may have missed something, but it seems to me that Scurr’s essay is the most wide-ranging and stimulating contribution to the subject of modern biography to have appeared in the British press since a piece by Michael Holroyd about ten years ago. As Scurr says, ‘biography is an art form open to constant experiment’; to stay alive, it has to keep reinventing itself. Holroyd’s view, as I remember it, was that biography had to move closer to the novel and that’s what readers wanted. At the time, I was actually contemplating a novel about George and Kittie Calderon entitled Golden Square. This was because although I had access to all their extant papers, there was still a huge amount I would have to imagine, wanted to imagine, and I thought their story more ‘human’ than ‘biographical’. As more and more documentary evidence emerged, however, the balance in my mind shifted. Even so, in the past seven months two followers of this blog, perhaps beguiled by the runs of days when I can tell the Calderons’ story in ‘real time’, have asked me whether I have ever thought of writing such a novel.

Scurr’s essay is positively inspiring, at least to this biographer, because it touches on one vibrant issue of biography after another; issues that whizz around in your head as a practising biographer but perhaps have ne’er been so well expressed. I can’t address many today, but here are a few.

‘Novelists can write what they want to happen,’ Scurr says, ‘but biographers must write what actually happened.’ This may seem trite, but it isn’t. ‘All biography is fiction,’ Donald Rayfield wrote of his monumental life of Chekhov. I found this a worrying thought as I read it, but literarily, formalistically, it’s indisputable (he added: ‘but fiction that has to fit the documented facts’). As I have said in this blog several times, I try to write George’s life ‘in real time’ as though it is happening, which for stretches perhaps brings it close to a novel, a work of fiction. I rejected footnotes for that very reason. But of course everything in it still has to be evidenced from the past. It is all too easy to forget that. For instance, it was an informed guess that George moved back to Brockhurst on 3 March 1915, it is speculation that whilst he was convalescing he worked on the synopsis of Tahiti that would enable Kittie to publish the book if he didn’t return from the war, and it is pure speculation that he did nothing after 4 August 1914 about finding a producer for The Brave Little Tailor. Those are examples from just the last week’s posts! How right Scurr is to remind us of Defoe’s warning against ‘a sort of lying that makes a great hole in the heart at which, by degrees, the habit of lying enters in’ — in other words, against appropriating your subject’s life so much that it becomes fiction. The chance discovery some months ago of a pocket diary of George’s for 1907 completely blew away several assumptions about events in his life that I had already written into my biography of him.

It is because readers do want ‘the true facts’ of a person’s life, whether out of sheer curiosity or for extraneous purposes, that there will always be a demand for the ‘traditional’, ‘linear’, ‘boring’ biography. And what is wrong with that? It still has to be written well enough for the reader to want to turn the pages. But I have to say that for me these words of Scurr’s come closer to home: ‘The fundamental problem is always the same: how to find a narrative form that fits the life (or lives) in question.’ Personally, I found the narrative form of George Calderon: Edwardian Genius through what I call, quoting a poem of Graves, the ‘tourbillions of Time’ in Calderon’s relatively short life. If ‘editors’ aren’t going to like the fact that there are two more chapters after George’s disappearance at Gallipoli, they are going to like even less that he hardly features in the first chapter, that his story starts in 1898, flashes back to Russia 1895-7, then 1868-95, then returns to 1897-1906, then there is a set of chapters that are really thematic (synchronic), then the last three are purely linear (diachronic)…

Here are some more warning words of Scurr’s that I agree with: ‘Like scholars who have “mastered” a particular topic or archive, the biographer can come to feel he or she owns their subject.’ As I said in my post about the American biographer Park Honan (21 December 2014), I believe biography is an act of intense empathy, but you have to come out of the other’s self again to write the biography. Further, ‘if there is no such thing as a definitive biography,’ writes Scurr, ‘there might at least be a groundbreaking one, offering something that has never been seen or heard before. It is in the hope of thwarting such life-hunters that people resort to burning letters and journals.’ Oh dear, there is certainly a suspicion in my mind that that is why Kittie willed so many of her letters and George’s papers to be burned. Perhaps she intended Percy Lubbock’s 1921 George Calderon: A Sketch from Memory to be ‘definitive’, literally the last word?

Inevitably, one will not agree with everything Scurr says. She begins by talking of Aubrey’s ‘child’ being ‘the publishing phenomenon of our time’ and suggests it is outselling history in the bookshops. But this is true only sensu lato. To claim it, she elasticates ‘biography’ to include autobiography, memoir, celebrity stories and ‘innovative books such as Helen Macdonald’s H Is for Hawk‘. Nothing in this world or the next, I believe Eliot said, is a substitute for anything else. ‘Biography’ is a genre — ‘traditional’, ‘starting at the beginning’, ‘linear’, ‘boring’ — and autobiography, memoir, celebrity stories, faction, are other genres of their own. The challenge is to develop and deepen the genre ‘biography’, possibly by hybridization, but not to pretend it includes other, discrete genres. In my next post I will touch on why biography sensu stricto is actually not all over the bookshops and in publishing terms, I believe, is almost at a standstill.

Scurr says that her John Aubrey: My Own Life, which is published by Chatto on 12 March, is ‘written as a diary’. This suggests it is a work of fiction. But perhaps it is ‘fiction that has to fit the facts’, as Rayfield put it. Judging by Kelly, who has evidently read it, Scurr’s ‘centoic, diaristic method’ actually employs only Aubrey’s own words, taken from the vast corpus of his writings. But how do we know?! Presumably Scurr explains that in a preface. Similarly, can a biography sensu stricto be written not in the third person? If it is written in the first person, is it not by definition subjective? Where is the sense of objective factual detail, contextualisation, evaluation; of the outside ‘other’ who is the biographer? Doubtless all these questions will be resolved when we have read Scurr’s ‘biography’ of Aubrey, which clearly we must rush out to buy.

Next entry: Who was George Calderon (again)?

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The biographer perspires

For a few days, I am almost entirely taken up with two smallish but extended projects that have nothing to do with my biography of George Calderon. This is highly frustrating. I tied up chapter 14, which ends with George going over the top on 4 June 1915, a fortnight ago, and desperately want to get on with chapter 15, which picks up the thread immediately with Kittie’s frantic efforts to find out what had happened to him. I am afraid of losing the momentum of the narrative. I perspire with impatience. Equally, though, I am daunted by the task of telling the rest of Kittie’s life in two chapters amounting to only 5000 words… They will have to be very compressed, but they have got to retain that momentum and interest, because the story of the rest of her life ought to be as moving as that of George’s. If I don’t manage it, I can see that they will be the first thing ‘editors’ say has to go.

I deceive myself, however, in thinking that only these other projects are preventing me from starting chapter 15 and finishing the book; that I have all the knowledge at my finger-tips to complete Kittie’s life. Although I ‘know’ my story and have access to all of Kittie’s extant papers, queer things keep cropping up that have to be researched. For example, I have always known she was born in Donegal on 5 March 1867, but in order to deal with her visit to the family home there in 1939 — which had a powerful impact on her, described in her diary — I have to know exactly where on her father’s large estate she was born. I hadn’t realised this before, because I hadn’t decided I must deal with her Irish visit. I’ve ordered her birth certificate from Eire. Intriguingly, the database entry for this document has her as Catherine, not Katharine. So what is behind that?

I also have to know when her housekeeper (see my post of 4 October 2014) died. Elizabeth Ellis had started with the Calderons at Hampstead in 1911/12 and stayed with Kittie through her peregrinations after 1922 until (it seems) just before Kittie left her home at Ashford in 1948 for nursing care in Brighton. It is not proving easy to pinpoint this death certificate, as the name Elizabeth Ellis is quite common and the window for her death quite wide. Also, I spent a lot of time some years ago trying to establish what happened to Kittie’s ashes, but without success, and must exercise fresh thought and effort on that.

Next entry: A biographer in-spires

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Back to Brockhurst

The entrance to Fort Brockhurst (picture from Britain's Past)

The entrance to Fort Brockhurst (picture from Britain’s Past)

About today, 3 March 1915, George Calderon returned to barracks at Fort Brockhurst near Gosport in Hampshire. He had lost about a month through illness. Now his training probably began in earnest. The aim was to make him, at the age of forty-six, into a model lieutenant versed in the latest military techniques who could lead a platoon (about 60 men) in the 9th Battalion Ox and Bucks, teach ‘the men’ (i.e. privates), and train further batches of lieutenants. The need for fully trained men and officers from Kitchener’s New Army to go to the Front was becoming pressing.

Next entry: The biographer perspires

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‘Le Bain de Loti’

Both George and the Russian Byzantinist Alexander Vasilieff (who accompanied him at the beginning of his Tahitian visit) greatly admired Le Mariage de Loti, the autobiographical novel by Julien Viaud published in 1880.

One of the most atmospheric passages in the novel describes the heroine, the fourteen-year-old Tahitian Rarahu, emerging from the scented shade of mimosas to bathe in a pool fed by the 900-foot Fautaua waterfall. Within days of arriving, George and Alexander wanted to visit this pool, which is generally known today as ‘Bain Loti’ (its depth varies greatly, depending on rainfall in the central mountain area of Tahiti).

We know from Tahiti that they did eventually find it, as this photograph found amongst George’s papers probably testifies:

'Le bain de Loti' 1906, photographed probably by Alexander Vasilieff

‘Le Bain de Loti’ 1906, photographed probably by Alexander Vasilieff

However, in Tahiti George devotes only four lines of the chapter to the eventual visit. Characteristically, the rest of the chapter describes in great detail how the charming but wild Tahiri-i-te-rai leads them to a ‘rather muddy pool between two brown, sloping banks; even the waterfall had disappeared. A few yards away a sort of stone kiosk and a wooden trap-door in a patch of weeds, fenced round with a [sic] barbed wire, marked the head of the Papeete waterwork system’. ‘How it has changed!’ the foreigners exclaim.

There could hardly be a more telling contrast than ‘barbed wire’ and the ‘sylvan paradise which we remembered in Le Mariage de Loti‘.  Tahiri had led them to a place which, she explained, was called in Tahitian ‘Spotted Hog’. This was her idea of a joke, and George did not realise he had been deceived until much later.

The monument to Pierre Loti (Julien Viaud) was recently reopened at ‘Bain Loti’ on Tahiti and here is a link to that event.

Next entry: Back to Brockhurst

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The return to Tahiti

Calderon arrived in London from Tahiti on 30 October 1906 and started writing his book about the island in November 1907. However, he soon gave it up to concentrate on his plays The Fountain and Cromwell: Mall o’Monks. Meanwhile, as Kittie put it in her Preface to the posthumously published book (Grant Richards, 1921), he carried out ‘laborious and exhaustive research into the history of the European influences to which the island had been exposed, for comparison with his own impressions’.

He finally settled down to write Tahiti in December 1913 and worked on it until, probably, the end of May 1914. It involved ‘returning’ to Tahiti in the spirit.  He had to ‘recapture his old sense of the wonderful island’ and Kittie wrote that she remembered ‘the joy with which he told me that he was completely reliving those Tahitian days, that their atmosphere was all around him as he worked’. He had made dozens of pencil sketches on Tahiti, of which the overwhelming majority are of women.

'Marae' -- pencil sketch by George Calderon, Tahiti 1906

‘Marae’ — pencil sketch by George Calderon, Tahiti 1906

Most of George’s sketches of people on the island were in fact made to illustrate the ethnic diversity of its inhabitants, as George was there in the first place as an ethnologist and anthropologist. Thus he writes that ‘Marae’ (above) illustrates ‘the Polynesian lips, protruding […] but finely and delicately formed’. He certainly studied her face closely:

It was no more than the daintiest pouting — the upper lip delicately retroussé in a very carefully modelled Cupid’s bow. She had the colour so often met in books, so seldom seen in real Polynesian life — a pale coffee no darker than a dark European’s. One could almost fancy a little ruddiness in her cheeks, her full, round cheeks; something European too in her eyes, royally full eyes à fleur de tête, like all the Polynesians, with the incredibly long curved eyelashes which all Polynesians have, and a sort of half-sleepy, half-timid veiledness in them.

Some of George’s pencil portraits reproduced in Tahiti are very fine, and it is a tragedy that all the originals are lost. Some of the black and white illustrations, however, are actually of coloured watercolours, and a few of these have survived. The one I show below was not included in the book and is not captioned. Unusually, it is signed.

Unpublished watercolour by George Calderon, Tahiti 1906

Unpublished watercolour by George Calderon, Tahiti 1906

I suspect that George put the book to one side when Ballets Russes arrived in London in the summer of 1914, as he would then be busy assisting Fokine. Obviously, he can have done very little on it between the outbreak of war and his return from Ypres in November. It was incomplete when he sailed for Gallipoli in May 1915, but he left what Kittie describes as ‘a synopsis which shows how he meant to construct it’. It’s my contention that he drafted this synopsis whilst he was convalescing at home in February 1915.

Next entry: ‘Le Bain de Loti’

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‘Black Pot’ and black holes

For the first two years that I was writing George Calderon’s biography, its working title was Black Pot: The Mysterious Life of George Calderon.  The reason for this was not just that several people before me had failed to find significantly more material about him than was presented in Percy Lubbock’s memoir, so that there was a sense of my ‘plumbing the unknown’. George’s life in Russia (1895-97) seemed a tightly closed book, and when he returned he definitely behaved secretively, especially in his relations with the widow Kittie Ripley. Most people interested in George felt that his personality was ‘elusive’. After a year or so’s work, I actually wrote an Introduction in which I explained that the book was an inquiry into ‘who’ Black Pot (‘cauldron’) was in both the plain factual and deeper psychological senses…

As I discovered more about what George did in Russia through cross-referencing his few letters home with unsigned reportage from Russia in two British newspapers, investigating his Russian contacts at Rugby and Oxford, and trailing his friends the Rosses in St Petersburg, it became clearer what he did there. Similarly, genealogical research, time-consuming trawls of dozens of contemporary British periodicals, and a somewhat forensic reconstruction of his affair with Kittie through their letters of 1898-99, suggested that his life wasn’t so downright mysterious after all. The subtitle then became The ‘Mysterious’ Life of George Calderon. Finally, as I got to grips with theatrical and suffrage archives, the working title and Introduction were scrapped altogether.

I have no intention of plucking out the heart of the mystery of George’s personality, but I certainly no longer feel it is a ‘Black Pot’ to me.  On the other hand, there are plenty of mere ‘black holes’ left in his life.

One of these is, why is there absolutely no evidence that he continued to look for a producer for his pantomime/children’s musical The Brave Little Tailor after June 1914? The very popular humorist William Caine had collaborated with George on this script in 1913/14 and they had finished it by March 1914. Before he went off for six months to America in the spring, Caine had given a lunch party at Oddenino’s restaurant in Regent Street, where George networked to submit the script to the American theatrical producer Charles Frohman, of Peter Pan fame. Caine had left George in charge of finding a producer, and George pursued the task seriously. After July 1914, however, there is no evidence that he did anything. Why might he not have?

What one might call the ‘Lubbock explanation’, would be that George was prone suddenly to drop projects for other interests and never return to them. The new interest in this case would be the War. But is this likely, after all the time he and Caine had put into The Brave Little Tailor, and given the fact that by now Martin Shaw had completed the music?

Another ‘obvious’ explanation would be that the demand for pantomimes slumped in the winter of 1914/15 because of the War. But as far as I can see, this did not actually happen. Moreover, Mabel Dearmer’s children’s play The Cockyolly Bird, with music by Shaw, which had probably influenced George and Caine in the pantomime season of 1914, was revived from 26 December 1914 to 23 January 1915. So why did George do nothing about finding a producer whilst he was at home?

If you think about it, the most likely reason is that The Brave Little Tailor was based on a GERMAN source, a Grimms fairytale, and everyone would know that. This would surely dampen theatrical interest in producing it, and audiences’ enthusiasm for attending it. The commercial viability of a production was fatally flawed.  Possibly, indeed, George and Caine regarded it as unpatriotic to take the matter any further. End of ‘black hole’?

But there are certainly only crumbs of evidence for what creative projects George worked on now —  in February 1915 — or up to May 1915. We must not, of course, forget that he wrote long, artistic letters home both from Flanders and Gallipoli, and these were intended to provide material for a book about the War. Apart from these ‘journals’, though, there are two prime candidates for literary works that he continued to write between January and May 1915: the travel book Tahiti and his last play, The Lamp.  I shall post about these over the next two months.

Today, 25 February 1915, the East Mediterranean Fleet resumed shelling the ‘Outer Forts’ of the Dardanelles at Sedd el Bahr on the European side and Kum Kale on the Asian side. I will summarise the results on 8 March.

Next entry: The return to Tahiti

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Writers’ illnesses

Presumably George Calderon had recovered from the influenza that confined him to Fort Brockhurst for a fortnight; but if so, why did he come home on sick leave ‘still very ill and with a high temperature’, as Kittie described it?

The chances are that he was suffering from the ‘tonsilitis’ that Kittie says also swept the barracks. That would account for his temperature, sore throat and grogginess, certainly. As I know myself from having contracted chronic tonsilitis whilst living in Russia in the 1970s, without antibiotics it is difficult to throw it off. But bed-rest, gargles and TLC evidently did the trick for George, as we never hear of tonsilitis again and by the beginning of March he was well enough to return to Brockhurst.

But did he have an underlying condition? Was there something more sinister to Surgeon- Major Basil Pares’s diagnosis at Ypres that George had an enlarged and varicose prostate? Could that explain facial change and deep lassitude by the time he set sail for Gallipoli?

Personally, as a biographer I am extremely wary of the accounts given of writers’ medical conditions during their lifetimes and the diagnoses we can produce without much effort today. First, there is often an element of medical ‘fashion’ both to the contemporary (‘then’) and the modern (‘now’) accounts. George was diagnosed in the early 1900s by Dr Tebb as suffering from gout (in particular, I think, this was assumed to be the source of his bouts of irritability). Admittedly this was partly based on urine analysis, but it is amazing how many other writers were being diagnosed with gout at the same time. Yet, as with George, ten years later one doesn’t hear much about their ‘gout’. Similarly, in recent times it has been suggested that Chekhov and George were ‘bipolar’, but ‘bipolarity’ is simply one of the most talked-about conditions now. Although both writers definitely got very depressed about things at certain times in their lives, like Winston Churchill and the rest of us, I don’t think that adds up to manic depression. There is far from enough evidence to draw that conclusion.

Similarly, Samuel Beckett seems to have been a bit obsessive, but to be a writer you have to be a bit obsessive — about writing. Does this mean Beckett suffered from O.C.D. or even, as has been recently suggested, Asperger Syndrome?  I doubt it. His armchair diagnosers are more likely suffering from Fashionable Medical Label Syndrome.

Second, the contemporary (‘then’) medical records are themselves often too skewed to make a plausibly objective diagnosis today (in any case some doctors would argue that diagnosis is more of an art than a science).  The records may, in fact, be highly selective and reflect a preconceived idea — a diagnosis already made in the symptom-recorder’s head. An example would be Chekhov’s TB. Undoubtedly he suffered from pulmonary TB. But the pages and pages of medical records of his intestinal troubles are also presented in terms of intestinal TB. A modern (‘now’) doctor looking at them and not knowing Chekhov had pulmonary TB might well suspect a form of cancer.

The condition that actually intrigues me most about George Calderon is his swings from compulsive athleticism (running, golf, cricket, tennis) and general hyperactivity, to complete exhaustion and ‘nervous prostration’. One would have thought he was far too slight a man to drive himself to all this sporting activity — often in photographs he looks actually underweight, and there were periods when he smoked heavily. But the term ‘nervous prostration’ was the ‘bipolar’ of Edwardian England. Everyone from writers and politicians to painters and suffragettes seemed to suffer from it. In Edwardian males particularly, the cycle from sporting/intellectual/’adventurous’ hyperactivity to ‘nervous prostration’ seems to have been so common that I would say it was a syndrome of the age. I would give a lot to know what was the cause of it.

Next entry: ‘Black Pot’ and black holes

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George convalescent

Among the more than a thousand letters in George and Kittie’s archive and eight international archives, there appears to be not one from or to either of them for the fortnight or so in February/March 1915 that George was at home on sick-leave. For a writer this seems remarkable — perhaps another of the ‘mysteries’ of his life.  But not really. Obviously, he was above all convalescing, building up his strength after escaping the medical madness of Fort Brockhurst, and Kittie had her time cut out too.

Perhaps he sat a lot in the long low chair in a corner of the first-floor drawing-room at 42 Well Walk reading, or even knitting as he had when he came home from hospital in November 1914. There would have been a steady stream of visitors and, as he improved, some sociable evenings, presumably. It is known that he also liked the company of the mongrel Tommy and the cat Shadrach. I will look at the question of whether he did any creative writing whilst he was home, next week. But one thing we can be sure of is that he played the piano a lot.

As a student, he had had a grand piano in his room at Trinity, Oxford, and was in great demand as an accompanist. He had played weekly trios with Dr Albert Tebb (see my post of 1 August 2014) and a certain Womack for many years in Hampstead. But he most enjoyed playing for himself at the end of a long day. Kittie would then come in and lie down on a settee to listen to him.

According to Percy Lubbock,

Beethoven came first with him, then Schumann, Bach, the Russians, and the later French masters; beyond these he did not habitually range. His taste was heroic and romantic, he loved music unprofessionally and made no study of its artistry; but where he was attracted his grasp of the import of music, and his remarkable skill in expounding it, showed that he had the true intelligence, if he had cared to develop it.

It would be interesting to know whom exactly Percy meant by ‘the later French masters’. Debussy’s music featured in an interval of the 1909 Seagull premiere, as well as Glazunov and Liadov. It is known that George played Sibelius, and he would surely be powerfully attracted to Rakhmaninov’s piano music.

Convalescing, he would also probably play various forms of patience.  Some of these he had devised himself, as he was always fascinated by card games and the mathematics of probability.

Next entry: Writers’ illnesses

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19 February 1915: The die is caught…

At a meeting of the War Council on this day, Kitchener withdrew his agreement to send the crack 29th Division to the Dardanelles. Before the die could hit the cloth, he had caught it and pocketed it again. His action may seem impulsive, but there were complex motives behind it and it must be remembered that his military judgement at this time was unchallengeable.

The French government had promptly agreed to contribute a squadron to the naval attack on the Dardanelles and despatch an infantry division in support. The French High Command, however, was adamant that the latter should not be drawn from its forces on the Western Front, and was putting enormous pressure on Kitchener to commit the 29th Division exclusively to France. Meanwhile, the ‘Winter Battle in Masuria’, as it was called, threatened the collapse of the Russian front in the south, which could lead to the Germans massing for a new attack in the West. From this, Kitchener concluded that it was imperative to keep the 29th, his last remaining Regular division, at Sir John French’s disposal on the Western Front.

Winston Churchill was now lobbying for having at least 50,000 troops available to reach the Dardanelles at three days’ notice. The fact that Kitchener had withdrawn the 29th shows, however, that he still did not regard the expedition as a single combined naval and military assault. Otherwise, why would he or the majority on the War Council have been content for the naval attack to go ahead on this very day? Kitchener still spoke of it as ‘the forcing of the Dardanelles’ and believed with the Government that an immediate diversion had to be made there to impress the Balkan states and dissuade Bulgaria from entering the war on Germany’s side.

Nevertheless, it was agreed that troops would be sent, and Kitchener proposed immediately despatching a small force from Egypt to be at the Fleet’s disposal, and preparing the Australian and New Zealand divisions in Egypt to go to the Dardanelles instead of the 29th.  As the Official History (1929) puts it: ‘No one suggested the advisability, now that troops were to be sent, of avoiding the risk of a piecemeal attack, and of waiting for a combined operation with all the advantages of surprise.’

Meanwhile, the results of today’s bombardment of the outer forts by half of the East Mediterranean Fleet were difficult to assess and no more operations could be undertaken for five days because of bad weather…

Next entry: George convalescent

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16 February 1915: The die is tossed…

Since the War Council had decided on 28 January (see my post of that date) to mount a purely naval operation to force the Dardanelles a month later, not a great deal had happened. Churchill, as First Lord of the Admiralty, had sent two battalions of his Royal Naval Division to Mudros to supply landing parties for blowing up the Turkish shore batteries once they had been silenced by the East Mediterranean Fleet. The French remained enthusiastic and were even offering troops. The bombardment of the outer forts by the navy was now due to begin on 19 February.

However, out of the blue the Admiralty produced a memorandum pointing out that if the straits were to be of any sustained use to merchant shipping, both shores would have to be held by Allied troops after the fleet had passed into the Sea of Marmara. In fact the best plan, the memorandum argued, would be to mount a combined operation from the start and to occupy the whole peninsula…

Today, 16 February 1915, the memorandum was urgently discussed at an informal meeting of ministers, which quickly mushroomed into an impromptu meeting of the War Council. The meeting decided to send the 29th Division to Mudros as soon as possible, together with a force from Egypt, and to assemble landing craft. If done, this would change the nature of the Dardanelles campaign completely. The 29th Division (subsequently known as ‘the Incomparable 29th’) was made up of regular units gathered in from the Empire and until now the plan had been to send it to France.

As the official history of the Dardanelles campaign (vol. 1, 1929) remarks: ‘The intention of breaking off the attack, if satisfactory progress were not made by the fleet, had begun to disappear.’ Kitchener and others believed defeat of this kind was no longer an option. The 29th Division was to be the die. It had been tossed now, but not cast.

Next entry: 19 February 1915: The die is caught…

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15 February 1915

About today one hundred years ago, George Calderon finally escaped from the quarantine of Fort Brockhurst near Gosport and made it home to Hampstead for at least a fortnight’s sick-leave.

As Kittie wrote in her memoirs, he was ‘still very ill and with a high temperature’, but at home he soon regained his satiric energy:

The regiment suffered all the usual frightful discomforts of the first year of the war. He told me all about them, and cursed the mismanagement when, as was so often the case, they were entirely unnecessary.

But at the very same time he would produce a picture so excruciatingly funny! As when […] the whole regiment was swept by influenza and he and hundreds of others were down with bad tonsilitis, and not only were there absolutely no ‘comforts’, but no ordinary necessities of life, and no proper medicines, from the moment in the morning when a belated orderly would come round with their gargle in a pitcher, on to the end of the whole awful day. His description made one rock with laughter — though tears and rage were not far off.

It makes one think that the book he might write about the war, when it was over, would be a mixture of hard-hitting criticism, farce, seriousness, lyricism and tenderness.

‘So then I had him home for another blessed, all too short time’, wrote Kittie.

Next entry: 16 February 1915: The die is tossed…

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Profs Phelps and Senelick get it right

On 14 September 1922 the following letter appeared on pages 584-85 of the Times Literary Supplement:

 Sir, — In your issue for August 3 you say “outside Mr Lubbock’s book, Calderon’s plays and ‘Tahiti’ are all that is left of a fine spirit and fine brain”. I think his ‘Introduction to Two Plays by Chekhow [sic] 1911 [sic] the most subtle and penetrating essay on the Russian dramatist that I have seen anywhere. Faithfully yours, WM. LYON PHELPS. Huron City, Michigan.

It seems no exaggeration to say that at this time Phelps was the most famous American humanities professor in the world. As a young lecturer at Yale University in the 1890s he had offered the first-ever American university course on the modern novel — to the intense envy and opposition of his tenured colleagues. Eventually, Phelps’s courses became internationally known and the best attended on the campus. By 1922 he was Lampson Professor of English Literature at Yale, a celebrated athlete and baseball-player, a public preacher, and later had his own radio show. In his letter Phelps is referring to Percy Lubbock’s George Calderon: A Sketch from Memory, which had been published to critical acclaim the year before.

Phelps was absolutely right to draw attention to George’s introduction to Chekhov’s plays, and frankly one could still argue today that it is the single ‘most subtle and penetrating’ piece in English on the subject. The question is, why isn’t it better known and appreciated?

The answer is perhaps amusing and characteristic of the British theatrical and academic establishments.

In 1912, except for some enthusings by Maurice Baring about Chekhov’s ‘realism’ (politely deflated by George himself in the TLS), nothing much had been published in English about Chekhov’s plays. Theatre critics and Edwardian highbrows had no handles on Chekhov; they did not know what they were going to say about his plays, which after Ibsen and Shaw they found pretty mystifying.

George’s ‘Introduction’ allowed them to become instant experts. More than one theatrical columnist commented humorously on how everyone was ‘quoting’ Mr Calderon on Chekhov, but no-one acknowledging him… Obviously, the theatre critics did not want to lose face by crediting George, and in fact they and other English theatre people resented the fact that he knew Russian and was ‘too clever by half’. An informal conspiracy of silence grew up around the ‘Introduction’, and even about George’s pioneering of Chekhov’s plays. Complicating it was the fact that the ‘progressive’ theatrical establishment was overwhelmingly Liberal and Fabian, whereas George was a radical Conservative, anti-feminist, etc. For some time, the ‘Introduction’ became the elephant in the room of English writing about Chekhov’s drama. Yet as Harold Hobson said to me in 1977, the early twentieth-century British theatre owed more to Calderon for its initiation into Chekhov’s plays than to anyone else.

In the 1960s British theatre writers and Russianists were indundated with fresh biographical information about Chekhov released from the USSR and Soviet interpretations of his plays. This persuaded them that anyone who wrote ‘Trofimov’ as ‘Trophimof’ must be out of touch, ‘Edwardian’, and thoroughly superseded. George was regarded by academic Russianists as a dilettante and the ‘Introduction’ hardly referred to. In fact, George Calderon was one of the best-informed British Russianists there has ever been and had a first-rate critical mind of his own.

The beauty of George’s ‘Introduction’ is that it is both a diachronic and a synchronic document. That is to say, the issues it covers in twenty pages — the ‘New Drama’, ‘The Centrifugal Method’, ‘Group Emotions’, ‘English Acting’, ‘Contrast of Moods’, ‘The Illusions of the Ego’, ‘Tragedy and Comedy’, ‘Good and Evil’, ‘Villains and Heroes’, ‘Realism’, ‘Soliloquies’, ‘Symbolism’ — can be looked at purely in the context of their times, or they can be discussed as issues still with us in Chekhov’s theatre today. You can approach them knowing an awful lot about the history of British and European theatre circa 1910, or you can tackle them knowing nothing about that but having your own responses to reading Chekhov’s plays and seeing Chekhov productions now.

I have always felt that this combination of the then and the now makes the ‘Introduction’ peculiarly suitable as a set-text for a theatre studies course on Chekhov or a Russian literature course that includes his plays. The lecturer can ‘teach’ the historical dimension — those facts — but the issues George raises can be debated in a seminar/tutorial by any student who has read and thought about the plays, seen recent productions, or is alive to theatre tout court. Unfortunately, I have yet to come across a Theatre Studies or Russian Department in Britain that agrees with me!

But there is poetic justice, surely, in the fact that today another American, Fletcher Professor of Drama and Oratory at Tufts University Laurence Senelick, has championed George’s writing on Russian drama generally, and been the first, probably, to reprint the ‘Introduction’ since the 1930s. It can be found in Selected Plays of Anton Chekhov, edited and translated by Laurence Senelick (New York, W.W. Norton, 2005), p. 463-79.

Senelick prefaces George’s essay with the words: ‘His introduction to their [the translations’] publication, despite the old-fashioned transliteration of Chekhov’s name, is a very astute interpretation by a contemporary.’

Sometimes one has to stand a long way back from something to see it in its true light.

Next entry: 15 February 1915

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