Watch this Space

6/8/15. I was flabbergasted last week when the TLS featured ‘Calderonia’ a second time on its very popular blog, this time to mark our closing (see link on right under ‘Related’ to ‘Second TLS blog post’). I cannot thank Michael Caines enough for his attention and his superb summation plus discussion of themes touched on over the past year, many of which he has linked in his text back to where they feature in ‘Calderonia’.

Long-term followers will be interested to hear that we have identified ‘Peel’ in my blogs about ‘appling’ (22 January, 19 March, 15 May, 19 July 2015) as Lieutenant Robert Peel of the 9th Ox and Bucks, who in May 1915 was aged thirty, married, with a son aged three. His wife was Helen Beatrice Mansell Peel, née Merry, aged twenty-four. This must mean I was right in reading her name under Kittie’s ‘appling’ as [Helen?], when the graphologist had failed! But we still don’t know who ‘[Emma?], poor girl’ was. Further, when I looked at a screen image of the inquiry form about George sent by the War Office to the U.S. Embassy in Constantinople (see my post of 29 July) I discerned it was headed in pale blue ink ‘Commented’ — and the comment was the word ‘Ottoman?’ written over ‘British Foreign Office’. So someone in the War Office wondered whether Hoffman Philip
had got it wrong, too. The new facts in the present paragraph will be incorporated in the appropriate blog posts. I have already rewritten my post for 4 June 1915.

The search for the best publisher carries on. I have approached twenty, haven’t yet heard from them all, and have another twenty-seven possibles at the time of writing. The market, as I’ve always known, is tough for biographies of dead, ‘unknown’ people, however flamboyant and original. Usually the ‘rejections’ are affable and apologetic enough. I have also approached an agent. If you have any ideas, please email them me through my website http://patrickmiles.co.uk. Thank you for reading!

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Watch this Space

31/7/15. Blogged out, I am chilling out — slightly. I’m particularly interested in the reception of Patrick Marber’s stunning play THREE DAYS IN THE COUNTRY at the National Theatre, as it is based on my literal translation of Turgenev’s A MONTH IN THE COUNTRY and it has been terrific working with Patrick Marber. At 150,244 words,George Calderon: Edwardian Genius is 94% finished. I may well write the penultimate chapter (Kittie’s life 1915—22, 3500 words) in the next week, if I can find a good cigar… The search for the best publisher hots up. If you have any ideas, please email them me through my website http://patrickmiles.co.uk. Thank you for reading!

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30 July 1915: ‘Ends’

It does not seem exactly a year since the small boys Jack and Roly Pym ran across from their holiday home at Seaview on the Isle of Wight to greet George Calderon, a kind of uncle to them, who had just arrived to take a room in the villa opposite…

It seems an eternity.

It seems an eternity because so much has happened in only one year: from the declaration of war on Germany five days later, through George’s protracted efforts to get to the Front, through his experiences at Ypres, his recovery from a wound, through illness and long weeks away from home, to jockeying himself into a position from which he could be sent to the most dangerous spot on another Front… Then there were the enclosing events of this unspeakable War, both abroad and on the home front, George’s family life, his ongoing literary projects, the lives of his and Kittie’s many friends, the problems of national commemoration today, the trials of biographers… And finally sudden death at Gallipoli and no closure in sight for Kittie.

Both for me and, I know, some followers, it also seems an eternity because we have lived through it all day by day. Somewhere, I believe, Carl Jung said that the present is ‘terrible in the intensity of its ambivalence’. Rather like one’s own life, so many of the days of this blog have been intense with that ambivalence that I can no longer remember them all; the relevant brain cells have apparently been seared out; I cannot possibly now get my memory round the whole of this blog-year’s events.

The experience has, yes, been a bit wearing. I am a bit ‘gutted’. Whether this is just the exhaustion of ‘experiencing’ all this with George and Kittie, or whether it is some kind of cathartic ‘gutting’, I can’t say. There is much to digest from running this blog for a year, and I will need time to do that. I daresay others will, too.

Only three things remain:

First, to thank my son Jim Miles from the bottom of my heart for designing, running, and constantly improving this blog, then fixing at a moment’s notice the kind of occasional emergency that we seemed faced with on Monday morning (27 July). I would never have ‘got up and done’ this blog without my wife’s and son’s initiative, and it would simply have been impossible without their input for more than a year. Similarly, I am fundamentally beholden to the encouragement, advice and assistance of Mr Johnnie Pym, who is a famously meticulous editor and as the son of the aforementioned Jack Pym stands closer to George, Kittie and the world of Foxwold than anyone. The trustees of the Calderon estate and Johnnie Pym have with immense generosity allowed me to post any document or photograph in which they hold copyright. I cannot thank them enough. My thanks to my brilliant research assistant Mike Welch, who has followed up so many leads for me in databases and national archives, also know no bounds. I owe a special debt of gratitude to those worldwide, particularly Clare Hopkins, Louisa Scherchen, Katy George, Johnnie Pym, John Dewey, Derwent May, James Muckle, Harvey Pitcher, Sam Evans and Peter Hart, who have responded to posts with such stimulating Comments or emails.

Second, to explain that the blog will continue to be available online in its entirety. It will in effect become a website about George and Kittie’s lives 1914-15, and in the fullness of time special links will be put in to enhance its use as a database. Some editing will probably take place, and some new material be added to existing posts. The narrative ends today, but from tomorrow, 31 July 2015, there will always be a last post entitled ‘Watch this Space’, which will introduce new visitors to the site and contain the latest news on the writing and publication of the full biography George Calderon: Edwardian Genius. Comments will be responded to/moderated once a week.

Third, to summarise the rest of Kittie’s life without George.

*                    *                     *

‘White Raven’

On 9 September 1915 Kittie received her last telegram from the War Office. It told her that George was ‘now unofficially believed killed in action 4th June and Lord Kitchener expresses his sympathy’. She continued to live by the hope that he was a prisoner in Turkey, but in May 1919 the last prisoners were returned from Turkish captivity and George was not among them. Nevertheless, she insisted that his name always be kept on the list of ‘Missing’. She told her god-daughter, Lesbia Corbet, that she seriously expected George to ‘walk in the door one day’, just as he had in 1906 after months in the Pacific.

Kittie now threw herself into editing a collection of George’s works and assisting Percy Lubbock in his biography-tribute George Calderon: A Sketch from Memory. These five books were published by Grant Richards between 1921 and 1924. All were very well received, especially Tahiti (which Kittie had assembled from George’s drafts and notes) and Percy’s memoir. During those years, the national press was speckled with reviews of George’s works, memories of him, and attempts to evaluate his life achievement. Some of his plays were reprinted as single works, his Chekhov translations and introduction were reprinted in Britain and America, there were stage and radio productions of his plays, and J.B. Fagan’s 1925 production of The Cherry Orchard in George’s translation finally established Chekhov in the commercial theatre.

On 5 August 1921 the third great love of Kittie’s life, Nina Corbet (‘Black Raven’), died suddenly in Italy. Many of Kittie’s friends (e.g. Masefield and the Sturge Moores) had already left London, and a year later she settled with her faithful housekeeper Elizabeth Ellis in a cottage at Sheet, near Petersfield, in Hampshire. Probably she was attracted by the Arts and Crafts group there and the proximity of a branch of the Lubbock family. However, the petty politics of this rather self-fancying community did not suit her. She spent much time away from Sheet staying with friends, then in 1934 moved to ‘White Raven’, a house specially built for her by architect Jack Pym near Ashford, Kent. Here she was close to her brother, John Pakenham Hamilton, and could regularly visit the Pyms at Foxwold. She turned the green field in which ‘White Raven’ was set into a superb garden. She was happy there.

As well as taking an active part in church life and voluntary organisations at Ashford, Kittie received visits at ‘White Raven’ from many old friends, including, probably, Laurence Binyon, and was always available to her numerous godchildren. She often spent the nights weeding her own and George’s archives, captioning photographs and writing comments on letters, as well as composing fragments of memoir herself. Her sight was failing, however, and she was assailed by nameless health problems. In 1939 she revisited her birthplace at St Ernan’s, Donegal, with her friend Louise Rosales.

The Second World War was extremely stressful for Kittie, as the railway yards of Ashford were a bombing target and ‘White Raven’ was directly under the flight path of doodlebugs. On 1 November 1944 Kittie and Elizabeth Ellis narrowly escaped death when a flying bomb landed at the bottom of the garden and blew in the roof of ‘White Raven’. After the War her health deteriorated rapidly. In 1948 she moved with Ellis to Hove, close to her lifelong friend Kathleen Skipwith. Then Kittie went into a nursing home in Brighton, where she died on 30 January 1950 in her eighty-third year.

Kittie Hamilton, aged 18

‘Dear grandmother, you are younger these days than you were; that expression in yr veiled eyes, tender and half ironical in look, is the expression of yr girlhood, the days of the miniature and the hanging locks; the tiny smile, the little look of bliss — these are spring buds coming out again with the new year of love. There are rich individual tones in yr voice.’ (George Calderon to Katharine Ripley, 31 January 1899)

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29 July 1915

29th July, 1915.

The Military Secretary presents his compliments to Mrs Calderon, and begs to thank her for her letter of July 26th, and to inform her that a form of enquiry on behalf of her husband will be sent to the American Ambassador in due course, and his name shall be added to the ‘Missing List’.

This is a transcription of a carbon copy in George’s War Office file. Kittie probably received the original at Well Walk, Hampstead, today.

One must give the War Office credit for replying to Kittie’s letter (see my post of 26 July) within three days. Moreover, she had not mentioned in her letter enquiring through the American Ambassador in Constantinople about whether George’s name was on the Turks’ list of prisoners, so it seems to imply some initiative on the War Office’s part. Doubtless they were responding to the press campaign about George’s disappearance, and the high-profile people who were taking Kittie’s part (Gertrude Bell, Coote Hedley, Sir Ronald Ross, Constance Sutton, Will Rothenstein, to name but a few).

The United States was still a neutral power in the War. In his George Calderon: A Sketch from Memory (1921) Percy Lubbock writes that ‘a friend in England sent an American agent expressly to Constantinople, a few weeks later, to follow up any clue that might be discoverable there’. There is no documentation of who this friend was and who the American citizen was who acted as ‘agent’. It is not, of course, what the War Office said they were going to do, so sending an agent to an enemy country must have been a private initiative, again possibly by a friend of Kittie’s in high places.

Judging by George’s War Office file, the W.O. literally sent a form to the U.S. Embassy in Constantinople with three questions on it about George: ‘Is he a Prisoner of War? Where is he? How is he?’ It was returned to London with the following typed in the SPACE FOR REPLY at the bottom:

According to information received from the British Foreign Office the above British officer has not been made a prisoner of war by the Imperial forces.

[signed] In Charge of British Interests
Hoffman Philip

American Embassy Constantinople
August 26, 1915.

Hoffman Philip was a career American diplomat. It seems curious that the form had gone all the way to Constantinople for him merely to supply information from the ‘British Foreign Office’ in London. This also struck someone in the War Office, who on 17 September 1915 wrote above ‘British’ the query ‘Ottoman?’. But perhaps the American Embassy had not succeeded in communicating with the relevant Turkish authorities. The ‘British Foreign Office’ seem pretty certain that George was not a prisoner. Where had the Foreign Office got their information from? Military men in the know at the War Office, as opposed to the lower-level administrators who had taken the initiative of sending the form? Or was it actually the ‘Ottoman Foreign Office’ who were so certain of the facts?

The War Office letter she received today gave Kittie the satisfaction of knowing that they had done what she asked and put George’s name on their list of Missing. It is difficult to avoid the conclusion, however, that her Calvary was only just beginning.

Next entry: 30 July 1915: ‘Ends’

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28 July 1915

Brit. Red Cross
St Mark’s Buildings
Alexandria

July 20.1915

Kitty dear

One of our workers found another Sgt Major Allan, B Company, 1st K.O.S.B. in hospital here. The report that this man gave was sent to London last week, and you will have had it from Miss Bell. I can’t in the least understand from it how anyone should have been reported missing after such an action — i.e. where the ground taken was never lost again. It is where a charge has gone beyond what it finally holds, that those who drop in front cannot be got in. Otherwise all would be got in, in time. This makes me want to hear more about the nature of the action. (I think it was June 4, and that the man saw was wrong.) But there is no doubt that it was G. that the man remembered before the action. He volunteered the fact that the officer he meant had been an Interpreter in Belgium, and was elderly for a Lieut. (Our worker, Mrs Ludolf, who saw the man, told me this.) I was in Cairo when she found the man, and only heard of it when I got back three days later. I went to the hosp. to see the man myself, but found he had been sent home to England (by the hosp. ship ‘Gurkha’, I believe). You could get at his whereabouts in England by writing to the K.O.S.B. Depôt, Berwick-on-Tweed.

We have also heard of a man, said to be in hosp. at Malta, who might be able to tell more. We have cabled to Malta for him to be interviewed.

Kitty, I just write this and must leave it (eyes not good). I am with you all the time, and you know what more I say [sic]. You know many wounded are now sent straight home, without stopping here or at Malta. No doubt Miss Bell has arranged to catch these and have them questioned as to G.

Kittie received this letter from Percy Lubbock on or around this day, Wednesday 28 July 1915. Note that Percy says she should have received SM Allan’s account (see my post of 13 July) from Gertrude Bell by now. Whether he meant by the date on his letter, implying it took a week for letters to get from Alexandria to England, or by the time Kittie has received the present letter from him, we cannot tell. Either way, as I have stressed in my recent posts, there is no evidence that Bell had yet shown her SM Allan’s account as taken down by Mrs Ludolf on 13 July 1915.

The above is the complete text of Percy’s letter. It seems odd that he did not sign it. Similarly, he says that Mrs Ludolf had found ‘another’ SM Allan in hospital, but the whole point about the one he interviewed on 12 July was that his name was Allen; Percy had got the wrong sergeant-major. Moreover, Mrs Ludolf actually found SM Allan, and interviewed him, when Percy was still in Alexandria on 13 July.

When Percy says that he cannot ‘in the least understand’ from SM Allan’s account ‘how anyone should have been reported missing after such an action’ etc, it is not clear to me whether he is implying that George must therefore have been killed, or that he is on a hospital ship on his way back to Britain. If Kittie understood him to be saying the latter, she must have thought him naive, as she would certainly have heard George was on a hospital ship by now, six weeks after the Third Battle of Krithia.

Presumably the other possible witness, ‘said to be in hosp. in Malta’, is the ‘6424 Sergt. Smith’ he had cabled Gertrude Bell about, and of whom Bell had informed Kittie on 23 July (see my post of that date). As with SM Allan, there is no documentary evidence that Kittie ever met Smith when he arrived back in Britain. This is the paradoxical thing, though: perhaps the fact that she never referred to them implies that she did meet them, but was in denial about their opinions concerning George’s death.

Next entry: 29 July 1915

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The War

Im Westen nichts Neues is the title of Erich Maria Remarque’s famous novel, usually rendered in English as All Quiet on the Western Front. Its literal translation, however, is In the West Nothing New.

The deadly sniping, sapping, night raids, shelling and ‘probing’ that continued all along the Western Front this summer were indeed nothing new. But equally, since losing the Second Battle of Ypres in May Falkenhayn had undertaken nothing new in the way of a major attack. He and his generals concentrated on their eastern front, where they seriously hoped to batter Russia into capitulation. Through the summer the Russians were forced back from the Carpathians, by 4 August the Germans had taken Warsaw, and in September they entered Vilna, capital of Lithuania.

It was precisely this development, of course, that had enabled Kitchener to release five divisions for Ian Hamilton to launch his new offensive at Anzac and Suvla. This was, in Peter Hart’s words, ‘the last chance for the Gallipoli campaign’. By the end of August it had failed. On 16 October Hamilton was recalled to England, his military career over. On 9 January 1916 the evacuation of the Mediterranean Expeditionary Force from the Gallipoli peninsula was completed without the loss of a single man. However, the remains of nearly 36,000 British and Commonwealth servicemen were left behind, including those of Lieutenant George Calderon, 1st KOSB.

At home, the increased Zeppelin raids and the human cost of the Germans’ policy of unrestricted submarine warfare solidified people’s hatred of the enemy and convinced them that the war must be won at any cost. A year ago, even George Calderon had spoken of the war being over by Christmas. I have the impression that by July 1915 the unparalleled, one might say truly 20th century brutality of total war, had wrought a deep change of attitude in both the Edwardian military and nation. Conscription was not far off and women’s role in the war grew ever greater.

After the Battle of Loos in September Sir John French was at last sacked, and replaced by Sir Douglas Haig as commander of the British Expeditionary Force.

*                    *                    *

Followers of this blog may recall that one set of papers I read three weeks ago at the Imperial War Museum belonged to Lieutenant J. Harley, a Trinity (Oxford) man ten years younger than George Calderon who was killed at the same time as him when B Company went over the top at the Third Battle of Krithia on 4 June. (See my post of 20 July.)

In a letter to his father written 1-3 June 1915, Harley reveals himself to be completely anti-war. He was appalled by this particular war and had absolutely no time for what he called the ‘death-and-glory’ ethos of the Edwardian army he served in. But he believed passionately that the ‘Prussians’, as he called them, had to be defeated. Therefore, he told his father, he must ‘do his duty’ and fight in the British Army.

Where direct moral responsibility for the outbreak of World War I is concerned, the necessity of Britain fighting it, and the heroism of those who stuck it out, my views have not changed in the past year (see particularly my post of 9 November 2014). But I have come to regard the mere existence of the British and French empires as implicated in its causation. That is not, of course, to say that I see it as the Leninist ‘Great Imperialist War’. However, I now feel that the especially devious, successful and self-righteous nature of the vast British Empire was a contributory factor.

Further, my engagement with the Gallipoli campaign in particular has convinced me that hierarchy and attitudes of class difference were more real in Edwardian society, and more pernicious in their impact on the British Army’s conduct of the war, than I had wanted to believe at the beginning of this blog. I was probably misled by the fact that George Calderon and most of his circle were free of such prejudices.

I believe that by the end of 1916 the War had in effect destroyed Edwardianism.

Next entry: 28 July 1915

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26 July 1915

K.C. Letter to War Office, 26. July 1915

Letter from Kittie to the War Office 26 July 1915

Today, Monday 26 July 1915, Kittie wrote the above letter to Military Secretary 3 (Casualties) at the War Office. I have not transcribed it, as she has written it as clearly as possible. Even so, she has omitted an apostrophe and all full stops, which she did not usually do. Various features in it suggest it was written under great strain.

Whether she has seen Sergeant-Major Allan’s report or not, met Sergeant Smith or not, she has evidently decided to adopt an official position of believing George missing, ‘probably prisoner of war in Turkey’…

Next entry: The War

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25 July 1915

Today Kittie received a long letter from the Liberal historian, journalist and political advisor John Lawrence Le Breton Hammond (usually known as Lawrence Hammond). I cannot reproduce it, because it is still in copyright, but I will précis it and quote some phrases from it.

As I interpret Hammond’s biography, he was well to the left in the Liberal Party, so it is rather unlikely that he was a personal friend of George’s. However, his wife Barbara, who was also a Liberal social historian, had attended a famous boarding-school for girls at St Andrews, Fife, at the very time that Kittie was living there with her mother and father. Although Barbara Hammond was six years younger than Kittie, this could be the connection between the two families. Barbara Hammond was née Bradby and the Bradby clan of teachers at Rugby was well-known to George. Another possibility is that, as I have often speculated, Kittie was more Liberal than George and had met the Hammonds through politics. (On her thirty-seventh birthday, 5 March 1904, William Rothenstein gave Kittie his portrait of John Morley, the Liberal politician strongly in favour of Irish Home Rule, as was Kittie’s father, the Irish landlord John Hamilton.)

Hammond begins his letter by saying that he and his wife think of her every day ‘under this terrible ordeal’. Many others think of her, too, and pray that the cloud of uncertainty will lift. For ‘no woman has had more to bear than you’. The ‘staunch and splendid spirit’ in which she has accepted the sacrifice of her peace of mind and the ‘limit of your great happiness’ is, Hammond writes, ‘the admiration of your friends’. By ‘your great happiness’ he presumably means the almost symbiotic closeness of the Calderons’ marriage.

Hammond then tells Kittie that, at the age of forty-two, he has been offered a commission in the ‘Territorial Artillery’. Kittie must have known that after much political soul-searching he had decided to join up, because she had apparently questioned in a letter to Barbara Hammond whether (a) he would pass the medical and (b) he ought to sacrifice his intellectual life for the Army. Reading between the lines, Kittie had advised his wife to restrain him from going. But Hammond produces an unanswerable argument in this letter: ‘After all, if any of us ought to stop to consider whether he has other gifts that should check him from risking his life, what should be thought of George’s going?’

Lawrence Hammond then pays tribute to George’s ‘brilliant and original mind’. He and George had evidently crossed political swords over ‘lunch’ more than once, and Hammond blames his own ‘petty irritability and intolerance’ for preventing him from enjoying George’s ‘society’ to the full. He considers Act 1 of The Fountain to be ‘as perfect a display of wit as anything I know’, and would even have liked to have gone into the army with George, as his company would have been ‘stimulating and comforting’.

Hammond ends his letter: ‘Barbara sends you her best love and we both send you our most anxious and affectionate sympathy.’

Next entry: 26 July 1915

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REVIEW. Lorna C. Beckett, The Second I Saw You: The True Love Story of Rupert Brooke and Phyllis Gardner (British Library, 2015), 208 pp.

The chance sight of an email that I sent my military research assistant on 22 July 2014 recalls me with a start to the fact that I began researching the last year of George Calderon’s life exactly a year ago! All I can say is, thank goodness the other thirteen chapters of my biography didn’t take so long…

I actually finished writing that chapter on 15 February 2015, but I have been tweaking it ever since — sometimes substantially — in the light of the day-to-day writing of this blog. The blog’s intense focus on specific days actually led to me changing my focus in places within the longer narrative of the book.

In the year that is gone I have read dozens of works relevant to my subject. Some of them I have discussed and recommended on this blog. In the early months I relied heavily on Mark Bostridge’s The Fateful Year: England 1914 and Max Hastings’s Catastrophe: Europe Goes to War 1914. Those are new books, and in my view unsurpassable. Another was Martin Pegler’s Soldiers’ Songs and Slang of the Great War, which is invaluable for reference and marvellously evokes the mentality and ethos of the British combatants. Among ‘classic’ studies, I have read and often revisited Adrian Gregory’s The Last Great War: British Society and the First World War (2008) and Santanu Das’s Touch and Intimacy in First World War Literature (2005), and would never have been without Ian Beckett’s Ypres: The First Battle 1914 (2004) and Peter Hart’s Gallipoli (2011).

But the sub-title of my biography of George Calderon is Edwardian Genius. I am investigating the somewhat paradoxical notion of an Edwardian species of genius, and that means I am passionately interested in the Edwardian world and who the Edwardians were. Historically speaking, of course, Calderon was also a Georgian ‘genius’, because George V acceded to the throne in 1910, but let’s not go into that now.

Where the Edwardian context of my biography’s subject is concerned, I have no hesitation in saying that the most stimulating, evocative and informative book I have read in the past year is Lorna Beckett’s The Second I Saw You, which was published by the British Library and launched at the Old Vicarage, Grantchester, in April 2015. Several of my friends have read it and argued with me about it. I have read it twice. As a book, it has some quite serious technical flaws, but I will stick my neck out and say that you will learn more about the Edwardians and their values from this book than any other published this year.

Not that you will learn anything from this book about Brooke’s poetry, except perhaps that some of his letters to Phyllis Gardner display an over-interest in traditional metres and forms compared with brevity, naturalness, innovation or thought. But has anyone ever undertaken a serious critical evaluation of Brooke’s poetry?

As Chair of the Rupert Brooke Society, Lorna Beckett knows her Brooke biography inside out. This enables her always to give authoritative substance to the context of her subject — which, as the sub-title explains, is The True Love Story of Rupert Brooke and Phyllis Gardner. This story is based on a memoir of their relationship written by Gardner in 1918 and over a hundred letters between them from 1912-15. All of these manuscripts were de-reserved at the British Library only fifteen years ago.

Phyllis Gardner’s memoir is well written. She was clearly an original young woman, an intelligent wordsmith, and a serious painter. By and large her account has a simplicity that utterly wins you over and inspires trust in its veracity. The letters of both ‘lovers’ are truly vibrant, viva voce, and full of delight, directness, passion, pain, anger, regret — a wide, youthful range. Beckett interweaves the memoir, letters, and her own commentary, extremely well, so that you get a gripping story that happens also, you are constantly aware, to be true. Her commentary itself is penetrating and psychologically wise.

The first thing to be said is that in my opinion this book does not show that Brooke was the ‘womaniser’, ‘philanderer’ and ‘woman-hating sadist’ that some reviewers have claimed. In the less than four years that his relationship with Gardner encompassed, he had partially coinciding consummated affairs with Katharine Cox, Elisabeth van Rysselberghe, and Cathleen Nesbitt. He did compartmentalise his life somewhat, but it is hardly news that poets are erotomaniacs (because they have to explore beauty), or that young people (Brooke was twenty-four in 1911, Gardner twenty-one) have to experiment with relationships before they marry. Beckett has the balance exactly right:

Brooke was a complex, intense and frequently confused young man who in many ways was trying to construct an individual lifestyle, liberated from the conventions of the Edwardian era, and in doing so was often in conflict with himself.

Brooke knew about and practised contraception and today the idea that having three sexual relationships in four years before the age of twenty-five made him a ‘womaniser’ would be laughable. Moreover, as a socialist he could hardly have opposed women’s suffrage in principle: what really made him rage against feminists, it seems, was their denial of gender difference. ‘He is out to declare that men are men and women women’, he wrote of Strindberg. ‘It sounds an easy thing to say, but it’s not. The pain of the statement nearly drove him mad.’

However, where Edwardian mores are concerned the most pernicious aspect illustrated by this book is the extreme, controlling interference of mothers in their children’s lives. Both Phyllis’s and Rupert’s fathers were career academics deeply embedded in the Edwardian male woodwork and hardly ever feature in the book. Either they had no real hands-on interest in their children’s lives, or their wives assiduously distanced them from the latter. Phyllis’s mother, Mary Gardner, quite clearly derived a vicarious pleasure from her daughter’s relationship with Brooke. Indeed she seems to have yearned to be in her daughter’s place. She asks Phyllis pointblank: ‘Has Rupert been making love to you [not in modern sense]?’, and even writes a poem in her daughter’s persona when the affair is over. When news comes of Brooke’s death in a letter to Mary Gardner, she rushes upstairs in tears and won’t show it to her daughter for half an hour; when Phyllis is affected, she lies down on her mother’s bed. Brooke’s own mother was just as determined to live her life through her son, and had the advantage of holding his purse strings.

Add to this that Phyllis was meant to be chaperoned everywhere, or at least accountable for every minute of her day, and that Brooke found Cambridge society impossibly nosey, and you gain a palpable sense of the paranoia and secrecy that infested Edwardian society. If these were the pressures that assailed Edwardians when young, it is hardly surprising that they grew up obsessed with keeping up appearances, presentation and ‘spin’.

But the most fascinatingly awful aspect of the story is how a bone-dry conventional morality, a sterile degeneration of Christianity, blighted both young lives. Phyllis’s descriptions of them taking all their clothes off, swimming across the river at Grantchester, then drying each other with their long hair, or later divesting themselves in Edward Marsh’s flat and stroking each other, are magical, Lawrentian, unforgettable. Phyllis felt in ‘a sort of heaven’ and Brooke surely did too. They were both young, beautiful and in different ways in love with each other. So then..?

The affair was never consummated. They never made love. How on earth, one involuntarily asks in 2015, did they manage to resist it? Was there, as a Russian friend of mine used to say in such circumstances, chto-to ne to s seksom, i.e. a sexual dysfunctionality? Given the probably repressive childhoods of both of them, you might think it was as Freudian as that. But the truth, this book amply makes clear, was simpler, nobler, yet in some ways more terrible.

There came a time when Brooke knew he would not be able to control himself any longer. To quote Gardner’s memoir:

‘I must have you, here,’ he said, laying a hand over what is delicately referred to by artists as ‘the central point of the figure.’ ‘Yes — some time,’ I said. ‘It had occurred to me.’

But he knew she was still sexually naive. She was in fact piling the pressure on him herself, and conversely knew that she was ‘wax in his hands’ and might ‘surrender myself unconditionally to him’. When Brooke was staying at her parents she stole out of her room in the night, sat on his bed, then began to fear she had gone too far; but Brooke said: ‘Are you frightened?’  ‘Yes,’ said I. ‘You needn’t be,’ he said: ‘I wouldn’t do anything you wouldn’t like.’ Personally, I think this does the ‘womaniser’ great credit.

Brooke was desperately looking for the love of his life, to whom he might even get married, but suspected increasingly that he was just a ‘wanderer’. Gardner could not bear the idea of contraception, was from an exasperatingly ‘pi’ family, and believed only in marriage and the life-partner. Egged on by her mother’s utterly conventional and sterile class morality, in her conversation and letters Phyllis inveighed more and more angrily against Brooke’s perceived irreligion, hedonism and ‘German’ values. The relationship was doomed. In his own desperate disorientation Brooke was as much the victim of Edwardian convention as she was. He found emotional and sexual satisfaction with Taatamata on Tahiti, but as soon as she became pregnant he was off to England again. Phyllis’s life after Brooke was one of marriageless sexual unfulfilment, love transferred to Irish wolfhounds, and cancer. The last chapter is black. To some extent the decline of the Gardner family is as much an epitaph on the Edwardian world as Brooke’s own death.

The British Library deserve enormous thanks and credit for publishing this book, but the way it has been done (under their own imprint) leaves a lot to be desired. The proofreading is very wobbly, the design curiously amateurish, and the perfect binding not perfect enough to prevent numerous pages from falling out. Lorna Beckett makes much of the fact that this is her ‘first book’; she absolutely need not, but there are a few things in her style that, for my taste at least, should have been ironed out, e.g. her thoroughly Edwardian over-use of the adjective ‘charming’. But it is a valuable, absorbing, sometimes visceral portrait of a relationship and the last four years of a remarkable young man’s life. It deserves to be rigorously re-edited, and published as fast as possible in paperback.

PATRICK MILES

Next entry: 25 July 1915

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23 July 1915

British Red Cross and Order of St John
Enquiry Department for Wounded and Missing
20, Arlington Street,
S.W.

July 23

Dear Mrs Calderon,

Mr Lubbock telegraphs to us from Alexandria that 6424 Sergt. Smith, K.O.S.B. returning on the hospital ship Delta can give some information about Mr Calderon. Perhaps you have already been put into communication with Sergt. Smith? If not the War Office will be able to tell you into what hospital he goes in England.

I fear it cannot be definitely good news he has to give; if so Mr Lubbock would have telegraphed it.

Believe me yours sincerely

Gertrude Bell

Clearly Gertrude Bell is preparing Kittie for the worst; this rather reinforces the idea that she has not yet broken to her the contents of Mrs Ludolf’s statement from SM Allan, whose opinion was that George had been killed outright and his body ‘left on the open ground’.

We do not know if Kittie tried to contact the Sergeant Smith Gertrude Bell refers to, whether she was successful, and what the upshot was. Curiously, there is also no evidence that Percy Lubbock telegraphed Bell with the name of the ship (the Gurkha, apparently) that the ‘real’ SM Allan was returning to England on. If Percy had, obviously Kittie could have met him and questioned him herself.

This is the last letter from Gertrude Bell in Kittie’s archive.

On this same day, Friday 23 July 1915, George’s play The Maharani of Arakan, adapted from a story by Rabindranath Tagore (see my posts of 9 and 13 April), was performed twice at the Hampstead Conservatoire by members of the Indian Art and Dramatic Society ‘in aid of the wounded Indian troops’, as the press explained. The Morning Post reported that the distinguished actor Martin Harvey ‘complimented Mr Das Gupta [q.v.] and the other players upon the charming performance’ and ‘urged that further efforts should be made on behalf of the Indian soldiers who were lying wounded in this country’.

The Hampstead Conservatoire was a private college for music and the arts, of which Cecil Sharp had been Principal 1896-1905. According to Wikipedia, ‘the building is now part of the Central School of Speech and Drama’.

It would be good to know whether Kittie attended one of the performances. It is a reasonable guess that she did, because she and George had so many friends amongst the members of the Indian Art and Dramatic Society. But if so, it must have been trying for her. Everyone present would know that George was ‘missing’, and what that all too often meant.

Next entry: REVIEW. Lorna C. Beckett, The Second I Saw You: The True Love Story of Rupert Brooke and Phyllis Gardner (British Library, 2015), 208 pp.

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22 July 1915

On or about this day, Kittie received Percy Lubbock’s note of 13 July from Alexandria, enclosing the statement he had taken in hospital that day from the ‘wrong’ Sergeant-Major Allen of the 1st KOSB. Although Percy had dated it the same day as Mrs Ludolf’s statement from the ‘right’ Captain Allan (see my post of yesterday), we know from the postmark that Percy’s did not leave Alexandria until the 14th. I have never managed to find reliable data on the Web about how long wartime mail took to get from Alexandria to anywhere in England, but the Orsova, which took George to Alexandria in May, was actually a Royal Mail Ship, and that vessel’s progress, after making adjustments for it carrying mail rather than troops, suggests that eight days might have been the norm.

If by now Kittie knew the contents of the ‘right’ SM Allan’s statement (sent direct to Gertrude Bell), she must have found the ‘wrong’ SM Allen’s account exasperating. Percy himself was doubtful that SM Allen remembered George, and it was odd that Allen thought the action had taken place on 6 June, not the 4th. On the other hand, if Gertrude Bell had not yet seen fit to communicate the ‘right’ Allan’s statement, Kittie may have taken false comfort from the ‘wrong’ Allen’s assertion that he ‘could not understand why anybody should be missing on that day, [but] it would of course be possible that a man might overrun himself, get too far ahead, and be taken prisoner’…

Seven weeks after George had been killed in the Third Battle of Krithia, for Kittie certainty about his fate was as far away as ever.

Next entry: 23 July 1915

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21 July 1915

On or about this day, Gertrude Bell, administrator of the Enquiry Department for Wounded and Missing at the London office of the Red Cross and Order of St John, received the witness statement that a volunteer in a hospital in Alexandria had taken from Sergeant-Major Allan of the 1st KOSB, who had been in B Company with George Calderon on 4 June. (See my post of 13 July.)

The VAD, Mrs Ludolf, may have sent a handwritten statement to London and the top-copy typescript that is in George’s War Office file could have been made for the WO in Bell’s office. One may assume, therefore, that Gertrude Bell had at least the manuscript and a carbon copy in her possession. But there is no sign of a copy among Kittie’s papers.

Did Bell perhaps speak to Kittie over the phone about it? Did she ask Kittie to call at the office in Arlington Street, and cautiously told her? Or did Bell decide it would be too stressful for Kittie to learn about it at this stage? It was, after all, the first reliable statement from someone who went over the top with George in the same Company, that he was probably ‘killed outright, and the body left on the open ground’, and not a prisoner as Hogan, a captain in the last Company over the top, seems to have told her.

Back in Alexandria, Percy Lubbock obviously knew now from Mrs Ludolf about the ‘real’ SM Allan’s statement and that it had been sent to Gertrude Bell. Percy actually ended his 1921 George Calderon: A Sketch from Memory with a paraphrase of it. But it is simply impossible to say at what point Kittie read it or was told its contents. As we shall see, Gertrude Bell’s letter in two days time makes no mention of it or of SM Allan.

Next entry: 22 July 1915

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Flashback — and tourbillions in Time (again)

The Imperial War Museum invited me to contribute a post to their Research Blog, and I promptly accepted. I am not, of course, a military historian, and when I started researching the last ten months of George’s life I was expecting to have to travel to and fro to London for weeks to research the Third Battle of Krithia in the IWM’s archives. Not so! I found all the leads and materials I was looking for online, as the Museum’s holdings are superbly catalogued. There were pointers to the specialist literature, even a paper on the Third Battle of Krithia produced by the IWM itself, there were copious photographs (including the spectacular one I reproduced on 4 June), there were artefacts, and I was able to correspond with an in-house expert on Gallipoli. Taking all that together with my own reading of the classic works on Gallipoli, and the three eye-witness accounts of 4 June in Kittie’s possession, I thought I had everything I needed to describe what happened. I based my guest post, therefore, more or less on what I have just said in this paragraph.

But the Museum was concerned that I had not actually worked on any archival material in the building. How right, in the event, they were. I volunteered to go up there ten days ago to look at the papers of the 1st KOSB’s commanding officer at the battle; the war diary of Reeves, the man who shared a cabin with George on the Orsova and was also then attached to the 1st KOSB on the peninsula; a long letter from Jack Harley, a Trinity (Oxford) man ten years younger than George, to whom Clare Hopkins, Trinity’s Archivist, had kindly drawn my attention; and for good measure the war diary of the extraordinary survivor Sergeant-Major Daniel Joiner. I say ‘for good measure’, as Joiner’s diary is copiously quoted by Peter Hart in his Gallipoli (2013) and I couldn’t believe there would be anything in it about the Third Battle of Krithia that he hadn’t reproduced already, but the diary is so vivid and gripping that I couldn’t resist having a read of the original anyway.

I have been pondering the results of this visit to the IWM ever since.

The papers of Major G.B. Stoney, the 1st KOSB’s CO on 4 June 1915, refer to some events described by George in his letters to Kittie, but they do not refer to George by name. 2nd Lieutenant R.M.E. Reeves refers to George being sea-sick on the night of 12 May, like most of the officers, and to sharing a dugout with ‘Calderon’ on the night of 27 May. There is circumstantial evidence in Lieutenant Jack Harley’s letter to his father that he knew George, but no mention of him by name. On p. 243 of Gallipoli Peter Hart quotes Joiner’s account of attacking with C Company on 4 June and taking four trenches.

The really important thing, however, is that although Stoney did not describe the battle at all and Harley was killed in it at the same time as George, Reeves and Joiner did survive it and did describe the whole course of the KOSB’s experience of it on that day, 4 June 1915. Their descriptions diverge from the Official History, and even from Captain Pat(t)erson’s eye witness account presented to Kittie, and they diverge in significant ways.

2nd Lieutenant Reeves, a solicitor perhaps in his late twenties, commanded 14 Platoon of the 1st KOSB. This meant he was in D Company, which was led by Captain Hogan and technically in reserve. George Calderon commanded 8 Platoon in B Company, which was led by Captain Grogan. The Official History, Capt. Pat(t)erson, and books about Gallipoli, talk of two waves of attack, the first at 12.00 consisting of A and B Companies, the second timed for 12.15 consisting of C and D. Naturally, one makes the assumption that in each wave the two companies went over the top simultaneously. However, Reeves says ‘A and B Companies attacked and lost very heavily’ and makes it quite clear that C then went in on its own (presumably in ‘platoon rushes’ as Pat(t)erson puts it), and finally D on its own. Reeves, incidentally, as well as being injured was traumatised by what he saw in the battle and is the only source I (now) know for the precise figure of the 1st KOSB’s losses: ‘Our casualties since Friday [4 June] at 12 p.m. are 19 officers and 432 killed, wounded and missing’ (i.e. probably half the battalion).

Quartermaster Sergeant-Major Joiner was with C Company. He makes it quite clear that the companies went over the top separately — in fact he does not even use the word ‘waves’. ‘A Coy. mounted the ladders ready for the stroke of 12’, he writes, ‘but instead of going forward, either fell back again wounded or killed. The majority in fact hardly got their heads over the parapet.’ This was because ‘on the stroke of 12 [the Turkish machine guns] opened fire right along the top of our parapet.’ To Joiner this seemed such a coincidence that he concluded the enemy knew the plan of attack (Peter Hart advises me to ‘disregard this speculation’). Joiner continues: ‘B Coy. now jumped, they also suffered, and the fate of our individual attack hung in the balance for a few seconds.’ Admittedly Joiner must be wrong to state that ‘everything from the stroke of 12 until we (C Coy.) had joined in the attack was but a few seconds’, because Pat(t)erson as Adjutant directing half of the attack surely knew what he was talking about when he said Stoney waited half an hour before launching the second wave; but equally Joiner must be right to describe A and B Companies as going over the top separately. Moreover, here Joiner’s account squares with Sergeant-Major Allan’s account taken down in hospital in Alexandria by Mrs Ludolf (see my post of 13 July). On the basis of Reeves and Joiner’s war diaries, I conclude that when Allan spoke of ‘two lines’ of attack, and of George being in the second, he was referring to the fact that the two companies, A and B, went over the top consecutively and not as a single, simultaneous ‘first wave’.

So how does this change our picture of George Calderon going to his death?

Instead of the image of him leading his platoon forward with the customary shout in one long line of two companies constituting the ‘first wave’, we have the image of A Company being slaughtered and wounded on his right before his very eyes, in many cases before leaving the front trench, and then, with the rest of B Company, having to summon the courage to take their place… In a word, the situation when George had to go over the top was even worse than I imagined. According to these war diaries, by now the trenches (which were more like ‘sangars’ and only four foot six deep) were beginning to collapse and the scaling ladders could not be used. As it happens, B Company were luckier than A Company, but still there is no reliable evidence that any reached the first Turkish trench. When C Company attacked, Joiner writes, the ground was already ‘littered with dead’.

The end of my post of 4 June 2015 will have to be rewritten. The photograph that illustrates it must be of C or D Company going over the top, as there are no wounded or dead visible. The map is still accurate to the best of our information. Hogan is described by Reeves as wounded, together with Lieutenants Deighton and Thompson of D Company, and I am not at all surprised, after reading Reeves’s account, that Hogan should not know the fate of George forty minutes earlier. Also, one can well understand why, in the absence of evidence that George himself was wounded or reported killed, Hogan thought he might have been captured.

*                    *                    *

Where does all this leave us?

There is a clear discrepancy between the official and officers’ accounts AND the personal and privates’ accounts of the 1st KOSB’s action at noon on 4 June 1915. But this is not to say that the first set of accounts wilfully distort or sanitise the facts. Their ‘perspective’ is simply different. Given the length of the Official History of the Gallipoli campaign, it is understandable that the facts should be somewhat compressed. On the other hand, it was fixed in the tabulated order of battle (see my post of 4 June) that there would be two ‘waves’, one at 12.00 and the other at 12.15, and it is tempting to think that the official and officers’ accounts wanted to believe the orders had been rigidly followed. Thus although Captain Pat(t)erson was present as the 1st KOSB’s Adjutant directing half the forces, the way he thought about what he witnessed may have been pre-set by his orders.

However, we are also dealing here with two distinct chronotopes — ways of presenting time. The Official History is, by definition, an historical narrative: a tight nexus of events presented within a longish sweep of time (two years). For that purpose it is natural for certain details and complications to fall away. I would suggest there was a tendency among officers to see events more historically, too. Perhaps the higher up the military ladder you were at Gallipoli, the more you saw events with ‘helicopter vision’ (and the more unmoved you were by the casualty figures). It is, of course, implicit in the historical chronotope and mindset to see events as past (cf. the lady in my ‘Dialogue’ of 18 July).

By contrast, NCOs Joiner and Allan, and 2nd Lieutenant Reeves, present personal time, discrete from historical time; their accounts are limited to the small segments of time that they experienced. They actually waited for their turn to go over the top, they did go over the top, whereas Stoney and Pat(t)erson only observed and followed when it was safe. In terms, then, of the synchronic reality of the battle for the 1st KOSB — what it looked like and felt like to attack ‘in the present’ — Joiner’s, Allan’s and Reeves’s accounts are more authentic, or more emotional and, dare one say it, more empathetic. According to their accounts, it wasn’t a case of two ‘waves’ storming forwards on cue with hurrahs and officers waving revolvers and walking sticks, it was a horrific mess left on or in the trenches. Two companies, A and B, walked at an interval into walls of lead and the fate of the 1st KOSB’s attack hung in the balance until Stoney actually postponed it by twenty minutes and the progress made by the troops to left and right of them enabled C and D Companies to carry the day.

Yet again we are discussing Time. What I have called ‘tourbillions in Time’  — starting halfway in, flashbacks, flashes forward, ‘greater time, lesser time’, different ways of looking at time — sweep through my biography of George Calderon. There is no space here to discuss whether our brains are programmed to think of time in various ways, or whether these ways are simply cultural constructs (Stone Age, Greek, Aztec, Buddhist, historical, Einsteinian…). I will, though, conclude by touching on one form of time that has always been at the heart of this blog. Do we sometimes think of time circularly simply because of the cycle of the year? Why do we ‘re-experience’ events at their anniversaries? Why have I been able to claim right from the start of this blog that it tells George and Kittie’s life ‘in real time’, when in fact that merely means ‘as it happened exactly 100 years ago’?

*                    *                    *

Note. The phrase ‘tourbillions in Time’ is taken from Robert Graves’s lyric ‘On Portents’.

Next entry: 21 July 1915

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De-appled

With less than a fortnight before the blog closes, I would like to tie up as many loose ends as possible. But, of course, people’s lives aren’t like that…

One end, however, that has suddenly been almost tied up is the case of Kittie’s ‘appling’ in George’s letter to her from the Orsova on 10 May 1915 (see my posts of 22 January and 15 May this year). For late followers to the blog, I am talking about five lines of George’s writing that Kittie had made as unreadable as possible by scribbling through.

Since 15 May I had been able to decipher only two more words. But these made the tantalising phrase ‘in love with’! So who was in love with whom?

By last week I had made no further progress — after many sessions poring over it with a large magnifying glass — and I cast around yet again for an expert who might be able to help me. I had tried museum staff, a pixel engineer and a high-ranking policeman, to very little effect, but why not go to a ‘graphologist’? Whatever one might think of the ‘personality-reading’ aspect of graphology, it suddenly struck me that a graphologist would very quickly identify the particular way George makes his letters, and be able to apply that to the fragments of letters visible beneath Kittie’s scribbling.

I soon found through the Web the hugely qualified and experienced Barbara Weaver, who lives locally and is in fact Principal of the Cambridge School of Graphology. Barbara has an array of microscopes, special lighting and computer programmes that she could bring to bear on George’s letter, but told me that in the end it was manipulation using the Gimp software that enabled her, over a number of hours, to decipher with confidence all but one word — a woman’s name.

[Emma?], poor girl, said she thought that

I was in love with Helen Peel. She’s a

dear kind pretty girl, but if she had been

an ugly one, it would have made no difference;

except for the pleasure of being there. She and Peel

The sentence and paragraph then legibly continue:

opened their little young happy circle to me —

and afforded every kind of refuge from the

hard and arid gaiety of the Anteroom. I am

deeply obliged to them. They gave me a colour

that, in the ordinary course of things, I never could

have got.

Obviously, the discovery that it was George who was supposedly in love with someone at Brockhurst, was sensational, even if he was making it pretty clear that he wasn’t in love with Helen Peel! But who was the mysterious [Emma?]? Was she a ‘poor girl’ because she was jealous, or because she was so deluded? And what actually does George mean by his explanation, the sentence beginning ‘She’s a dear kind pretty girl’? (He seems paradoxically to reveal that the prettiness of Helen Peel did increase his pleasure.)

In the words of Kittie’s memoirs, the Peels were ‘a young brother officer and his wife’. Syntactically, I don’t think there is much doubt that the person Helen Peel is Mrs Peel, the young officer’s wife. As followers will remember, George had the right as a married officer to live outside his barracks in Fort Brockhurst, but had resisted Kittie’s readiness to set up home with him there because, again in Kittie’s words, ‘he was firmly convinced that if he lived in rooms with me he would not learn one quarter as much of soldiering as by living in Barracks, and time at best was short’. Clearly, though, being able to get out of barracks and visit the home of an officer who had set up his family outside, was a considerable relief to George; as I suggested at the time, it probably prevented him from falling prey to depression at Brockhurst as he had at Ypres.

We have discovered that the ‘young brother officer and his wife’ were Robert Peel (1884-1935) and Helen Beatrice Mansell Peel, née Merry (1890-1990). In 1915 they had one child, a three-year-old son, who was presumably living at Brockhurst with them. When George met them, Peel, an Oxford graduate, was thirty and his wife twenty-four. George seems to be saying he wasn’t in love with Helen Peel, but young women are central characters in several of his plays (notably The Fountain), and we know that he had charming manners and wit. I simply wish I had known of Mrs Peel’s existence in 1985, when I first became interested in George Calderon and she was only ninety-five years old… Her husband, by the way, moved from the Ox & Bucks to the RAF in 1916.

Epilogue

Barbara Weaver’s specialisation is the analysis of character by the study of handwriting. She therefore volunteered some salient features of George Calderon’s state and character judging by his handwriting in this letter of 10 May 1915, without my telling her much about George beforehand.

The first conclusion Barbara had drawn from his writing was that he was tired — ‘was low on energy’, as she put it. This is exceedingly interesting, because it is exactly what Kittie says in her memoirs about George at this point (‘It frightened me’).

Further, Barbara said he was very intelligent, artistic, strong-willed but perhaps uncertain ‘who he was’, altruistic, and possibly had a homosexual side to his nature.

Intriguing.

Next entry: Flashback — and tourbillions in Time (again)

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Dialogue at a dinner

SHE: Who is this man you are talking about?

ME: He’s Edwardian.

SHE: Is Edwardian? Surely you mean he was Edwardian?

ME: Well no, he is Edwardian.

SHE: No no, you can’t say that. He was Edwardian!

ME: Er…

Next entry: De-appled

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Katy’s hat trick

Long-term followers of this blog know that Katy George burst onto it back in March, when she came across a perfectly preserved letter of Kittie’s in a charity shop in Deal, Googled on Kittie, found us, and offered the letter to the Calderon archive. As I said at the time, it was a sensational discovery that on its own justified the whole existence of the blog since July 2014. However, another marvellous thing was that Katy became really interested in George and Kittie, and has gone to great trouble to find any further items of Calderoniana on the Net that there might be. Thus in May she spotted that an antiquarian bookshop in Tasmania had a copy of George’s satirical novel Dwala not only inscribed by Kittie to the Polynesia expert Frederick O’Brien, but containing an extremely interesting letter to him! Naturally, we snapped it up.

Katy told me that she was determined to ‘make it a hat trick’ before the blog closed, and she has. She recently came across these two items in another antiquarian bookseller’s list:

Palace Scenes Signatures of Laurence Housman and George Calderon

The book was very nicely published by Jonathan Cape in 1937, and the slip of paper with Housman’s and George’s signatures was inside it. Laurence Housman (1865-1959) was a prolific writer whose 1934 play Victoria Regina could only be staged 100 years after the Queen’s accession, i.e. in 1937. It was a great West End success, with Helen Hayes in the lead, and even went to Broadway. There have also been several stage adaptations of it since. The book that Katy found comprises twelve scenes from the life of Queen Victoria which, Housman explains in his Preface, are not so much a sequel as a ‘supplement’ to Victoria Regina. They are quite hilarious, and very well written.

Since the book contains these two signatures, I thought there might be a connection between Housman, Victoria Regina, and George. After all, Housman and he were of the same generation, both active in the London theatre, and George had a genius for collaboration. Now I am very doubtful. As a popular novelist, poet, children’s writer and illustrator, Housman was at home in the commercial theatre, whereas George’s theatrical world was that of the New Drama, Stage Society and repertory movement. Moreover, their political views could not have been more different: Housman was a committed socialist, a pacifist, and co-founder of the Men’s League for Women’s Suffrage (much mocked by George in his Woman and the State). It is very unlikely, then, that they were friends or collaborated in the theatre.

As you can see above, their signatures are mounted in printed rectangles and cut from a bluish page presumably ruled like this all over. On the back are two more, unidentifiable signatures, similarly mounted. My guess, then, is that this slip was cut from a two-columned collector’s album of specimen signatures and placed in the book because it featured not only Housman’s signature but another Edwardian playwright’s. One would imagine this was all done by a theatrephile who owned the book. If only this person had kept the rest of George’s letter…

But there is one known connection between George and Housman. Laurence Housman’s more famous brother was A.E. Housman, the Cambridge classicist and author of A Shropshire Lad (1896). George was a close friend of Will Rothenstein, who frequently drew portraits of the famous in his studio, and it seems that George called on him during a sitting by A.E. Housman. In his Men and Memories (1932) Rothenstein recalled:

Calderon sometimes annoyed people who didn’t understand his character, by waving, so to say, a red flag in their eyes; he annoyed Conrad; and he failed to rouse any response in A.E. Housman. I remember how Calderon, after meeting Housman at our house, remarked, as I accompanied him downstairs: ‘Well, William, so far from believing that man wrote A Shropshire Lad, I shouldn’t even have thought him capable of reading it!’

Next entry: Dialogue at a dinner

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