5 October 1914

                                                                             Windmill Hill Camp

Monday

Beloved little Mrs Pete

I saw you on the platform long after you had lost sight of me.  I could see you blindly waving till the train turned and bent me away.  I met [Surgeon-Major] Pares at Basingstoke and arrived at almost eleven o’clock after a very slow journey.  Everybody else had been back 24 hrs before, or nearly; many roused in the night and flying on motor cars.

My nose is out of joint as an interpreter — 3 more have arrived in the regiment; and the Brigadier and everybody has them.  We have a band with a large white INT on it on the arm.

We put on all our fig [uniform and gear] this morning for inspection and to be ready: but here we are still at 2.20 p.m. still in the dark, liable to go off at any moment, all packed and saddled, playing cards, mooching about, reading papers.  A lot of ladies about; they were let in to lunch, which never happened before.

I am jolly glad I have got just in time into B squadron.  They gave me a fine black warhorse (almost the only black regular warhorse in the regiment — an officer’s charger) that rocks like a rocking horse, full of spirit, broad and strong and good natured, that nibbles and noggles when you stand at his head. He has a great big bold rocking action when you ride, and I had the infernal luck to jog my back again climbing up a bank with him and I’m as stiff as an ironing-board again.  Never mind; it’ll be well again in a day or two, and I’ll give it a good rest in my bunk, or get somebody to rub it right in Southampton.

Goodbye my little love; live like a dog and never think of me except at 9 of an evening.  Goodbye.

(Ever since their courtship, Calderon had been inclined to believe in the therapeutic power of thinking of each other at an agreed time.)

It was a packed day for him.  In addition to the military preparations and writing to Kittie, he wrote to his mother — who was back in St John’s Wood — and drafted a long letter to a newspaper.

He told his mother that he was very pleased to have been transferred, at his own request, to a ‘jolly’ squadron with an Irish captain and Scots NCO, and to have been given the Hussar Paterson as his permanent servant, who would groom his horse, which was a ‘genuine old black Blues’ charger’.  ‘It was capital and friendly of these fine fellows to find me such a good horse.’  He finished: ‘Goodbye to you, dear Mother, and to the family.  The Germans are nearly beaten now.’  Whether he believed this is doubtful.  He may have said it because he knew Clara was a compulsive worrier: as an Oxford undergraduate he had had to persuade her that rowing and hill-walking were not lethal activities.

First page of Calderon's draft letter to the press, 5 October 1914

First page of Calderon’s draft letter to the press, 5 October 1914

The departure point of George’s letter to the press, date-stamped this day possibly by an army censor, was that the Tsar and the Kaiser were professed Hegelians who believed in ‘the imposition of the newest and highest [national civilisation] on the world at large’. This argument, which had echoes of George’s paper ‘Russian Ideals of Peace’ to the Anglo-Russian Literary Society in 1900, was widely believed in Europe.  The ideology, as we might put it, that the Tsar sought to impose on the world was thought of as Panslavism, Slavophilism, Russian Orthodoxy, or at least Russian nationalism.  ‘It would be a poor office for the Belgians, French and British if we were fighting merely to set up a Slav world-domination instead of a Teutonic’, wrote George from Windmill Hill Camp.

In fact there was already widespread opposition in Britain to the alliance with autocratic, anti-Semitic, repressive Russia.  But as Jonathan Haslam has written, ‘even at its most self-consciously Slavophile, [Tsarist] Russia never held itself up as a substitute model for capitalism and democracy in the very West itself’ (Russia’s Cold War, Yale University Press, 2011, p. 394).  That, of course, was to come after the next World War.  In a way, then, one could claim that George was prescient.  The letter was signed pseudonymously and does not appear to have been published anywhere.  Nevertheless, it is evidence that his thinking about the war, and hence his reasons for joining up, were geopolitical well before his recorded pronouncements of 1915.

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4 October 1914

It was Sunday.  Kittie probably went to church.  She fervently believed in the power of prayer, and one can imagine what she prayed for.

After lunch, they set out for Waterloo station.  As George was coming out of 42 Well Walk, their housekeeper, Elizabeth Ellis, burst into tears.  ‘It was always a surprise and touched him to find people cared for him’, Kittie wrote later.

‘I can see that train disappearing disappearing, I can feel the chill of the subway which seemed to strike right into my heart.’

Next entry: 5 October 1914

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3 October 1914

This morning, which was a Saturday,  Kittie suddenly received a telegram from George to say that, in her words, ‘after all a lot of them were getting 24 hours leave and he would be home in a few hours’.

When he arrived, it seems that the gardener was working in the small garden Kittie had designed at the back of 42 Well Walk.  This man, William Hogsden, had worked for them for years.  He now came to bid George farewell.  As Kittie described it, he said ‘in such a heartfelt voice, “I wish I were young enough to go as your servant, sir”’.

After dinner, George went with Kittie to say goodbye to the Hedleys (see my post ‘The Godfather in War’ for 26 August).  Coote Hedley must have had mixed feelings about this, as privately he believed George could be of more use to the war effort in a different role.

Next entry: 4 October 1914

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Language issues again

The version of Binyon’s ‘For the Fallen’ published in The Times (see my post of 21 September) seems to contain a misprint in line 11: ‘stanch’ instead of ‘staunch’ (‘to the end against odds uncounted’).  Last week I was in the Chapel of Trinity College, Oxford, to see the College’s manuscript of the poem, and this confirmed Binyon had written ‘staunch’. But, well, the idea of a misprint in The Times in 1914 seems incredible!

I now discover from The Shorter Oxford English Dictionary on Historical Principles that at that time there were not only two spellings for the adjective, but two pronunciations: ‘stawnsh’ and ‘starnsh’.  I would have said that ‘stanch’ is used today only for the verb, and, incidentally, that the consonant combination ‘ch’ is pronounced in both spellings as in ‘church’.  However, I see from The Chambers Dictionary (2009) that I would be wrong on both counts…

In his letter of 29 September 1914 George Calderon starts to tell Kittie that ‘the Ritz Hotel at Paris is somehow at our disposal and we can have things sent, which will reach us’, but then breaks off: ‘I am too bewildered with tabloids and cigarettes to go into the details.’

Tabloids?  Were the Northcliffe press onto him for impersonating a soldier?

It turns out that in Edwardian times Tabloid was a registered trademark for medicines manufactured in compressed/concentrated form by Wellcome and Co, but then (rather like ‘hoover’) it dropped the capital letter in order to be used of such drugs in general.  The idea of George having taken so many of these ‘tabloids’ (what were they for?) and smoking so much as to be ‘bewildered’ casts an interesting light on his state.

Next entry: 3 October 1914

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1 October 1914

The first attempt at implementing the Schlieffen Plan for defeating France had failed and Moltke was replaced as chief of the German general staff by Falkenhayn.  The Germans now began a second attempt.  Their intention was to invade the rest of Belgium up to the coast, outflank the allies from the west, and break through to Paris having seized the Channel ports.  On 1 October 1914, therefore, the B.E.F. began a long redeployment from the Aisne, where they were relieved by French troops, to Flanders.  They would be fighting alongside Belgian and French forces, and the plan was for them to be met around Ypres by the 3rd Cavalry Division coming from the north.  The 3rd Cavalry Division, of course, contained an interpreter named George Calderon.

Although Kittie numbered all of George’s 1914 wartime letters, and there are no gaps in the extant series, she probably did this for Percy Lubbock in 1920 when he was writing his George Calderon: A Sketch from Memory, and kept some of them back because she felt they were too personal.  These letters are now lost.  It appears, therefore, as though George did not communicate with her between 1 and 5 October.  But her memoirs tell a different story:

[There were] rumours that at any moment they might be off and that there was no chance of any more leave and would I, or would I not, come to the camp? — of course, I must do exactly as I liked — wives were turning up — but his advice was not to, it would be so unsatisfactory — and then another letter saying I was to go to the port and to try and bring someone with me so that I should not feel I was left entirely alone.

Next entry: Language issues again

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The military situation

In his letter to Kittie yesterday, Calderon wrote: ‘We hear that cavalrymen on the Oise have put their horses by, and are standing in the trenches with the rest.’  This was true and highly revealing.  After 9 September the German First and Second Armies had withdrawn from the Marne to extremely well prepared positions on the Chemin des Dames ridge above the Aisne-Oise rivers.  They received reinforcements, dug in, and rained shells and machine-gun fire down on the French and British forces pursuing them. Cavalry deployment was almost impossible.  The allies themselves had to take to the trenches. Although the B.E.F. had been reinforced by a third corps, it was losing 2000 men a day.

On 30 September 1914 George wrote to Kittie: ‘We didn’t have the big field day today; it’s for tomorrow.  [We] go out at 8. a.m. and get in at 9 or so in the evening.’  This was an exercise drawing together all the 3rd Cavalry Division’s training and preparations since arriving on Salisbury Plain early in September.  Evidently it was to be the last before the ‘off’.  But no-one knew yet precisely when that was going to be.

Next entry: 1 October 1914

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29 September 1914

It is clear from something Calderon wrote to his wife at the end of October that he did suffer from bouts of depression whilst he was an interpreter with the Blues.   On this day, Tuesday 29 September, he wrote to her:

This morning after 3 hrs riding I left the Regiment to its Brigade drill and rode home alone. […] As I rode home alone I practised sword exercise all alone in a field under the hill on a row of dummies on poles, made of sacking and straw, as directed by the Colonel. However, the horse was very shy of them, and horribly alarmed when the sword went into them, and shied and galloped about; and it was rather lonely, poking dummies all alone in a big field, even when a battalion of Kitchener’s men began to drill in a distant corner.

His strategy for being accepted in the armed forces at the age of 45 had succeeded brilliantly.   But he wasn’t a ‘soldier’.  He was ‘the Interpreter’, always ‘on the outskirts’ of the Blues.  ‘Lone’ occurs five times in the passage just quoted.

On the other hand, he never ceased to think of Kittie’s predicament too.  He finished today’s letter:

Goodbye, dearest Mrs P.  I’m sorry for all your turmoils and troubles.  But have no anxieties about me; I feel sure that they are unnecessary.  Bless you.  And get among friends as soon as possible after Sunday.

Your loving P.

The last sentence suggests that he knew they were leaving for the Front after the weekend, and was unlikely to see her beforehand.

Next entry: The military situation

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‘Connected with the Hamiltons’

A hundred years ago today George V, Queen Mary, the Prime Minister, and their entourages, visited Windmill Hill Camp.  The Third Cavalry Division had now been officially formed and was being reviewed by the monarch.

George Calderon described it as ‘rather a dull day’…

He wrote to Kittie that this ‘suited’ him, as he had a crick in his back ‘from jumping badly’. ‘I let the Division ride past the King without me (as I am not a member of it) and trotted about with a Transport officer in something of the same position, on the outskirts.’ Amongst the King’s entourage was Lady Constance Sutton, née Corbet, who was a very close friend of Kittie’s.  Her son, Sir Richard Sutton, was present in the 1st Life Guards. George ‘chatted a bit with her’, then returned to his position ‘on the outskirts’.

This enabled him to observe the proceedings with a writerly eye.  For the first time since he arrived at Windmill Camp, it seems, his usually irrepressible sense of the grotesque and ridiculous was awoken.

His stories, satirical novels, and plays, had always featured impostors, or at least people whose identity was transgradient and disconcertingly difficult to put your finger on.  His attention now was drawn to such a person in the crowd at Windmill Hill:

A wretched little crazy fellow, or else a spy, dressed up in what he said was an Indian uniform, was the only point of interest. He came early into our mess and was given ginger ale and a cigarette, offered meals, and lavishly promised a job with the Blues ‘if anything turned up’.  (They are very kind and polite to everyone.)  He gave himself out variously as an Indian Hussar and Transport officer, but wore a warrant officer’s badges (so somebody said).  At the Review he was everywhere in the crowd, chatting with everybody, ladies, soldiers, chauffeurs and policemen.  Nobody bothered about him and he went off across the Plain on foot (he looked like a sort of Das Gupta [the Bengali K.N. Das Gupta, who founded the Indian Art and Dramatic Society that staged George’s Tagore adaptation The Maharani of Arakan in 1912 at the Albert Hall]) amid general unresentful suspicion.  One of the Military Police (having his attention directed to him) said Oh, he was all right; they knew all about him; he was the Interpreter.  A nice compliment for me!

However, this was not the only thing that suggested a sort of doppelgänger or distressed parody of George himself: the man said he was ‘connected with the Hamiltons’.  The Hamiltons were one of the great families of the realm, and George was himself ‘connected’ with them through his marriage to Kittie, whose father was not just an Irish landowner, but related to the Wellesleys, Stewarts, Pakenhams…

When Kittie received this letter, she jumped to the conclusion that George himself had mentioned to the ‘pseudo-Das Gupta’ that he was ‘connected with the Hamiltons’! Two days later, therefore, he had to explain:  ‘Das Gupta did not associate me with his connexion with the Hamiltons.  It was a general remark to endear him with the Colonel. The poor creature was a harmless drink-demented person.’

There was evidently something slightly unsettling about the whole incident.

Next entry: 29 September 1914

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A lacuna

When I wrote in my posting for 16 September 1914 that George Calderon went off to say goodbye to his ‘only visitable relation’ in London, the word ‘visitable’ was carefully chosen. George’s widowed mother was in the New Forest at the time, one of his sisters was probably with her, another was at a convent, two of his brothers were in Canada, a third lived in the north of England, and the animal painter Frank Calderon had lived in London all his life.  But where was George’s remaining sibling, Henry?

Henry is the mystery man of the Calderon family.   He was born in 1862, which makes him six years older than George, and George’s second-eldest brother.  He was baptised ‘Philip Henry’.  This gave him the same famous initials as his father, the Victorian R.A. Philip Hermogenes Calderon.  He was the only Calderon child with this distinction.  However, his baptismal entry does not give his parents’ names or his father’s occupation.  This is highly unusual!  Could there be a problem here?

No.  His birth was announced in The Times (‘to the wife of Philip H. Calderon Esq.’), his birth certificate is completely normal, but he is named there ‘Henry Philip’, as he is in all the relevant censuses (he died in 1915).  He is always registered as living in London.  The censuses for 1901 and 1911 show him living in digs and his profession as ‘actuary’, apparently specialising in insurance.  The problem is, he is the only child of Clara and Philip Hermogenes Calderon who is never mentioned in any of George and Kittie’s extant papers.   Nor does he feature in person on this family photograph of 1894:

Calderon family photograph, 1 January 1894. Clockwise: seated on floor George Calderon, Jack Calderon, Marge Calderon, Fred Calderon, Alfred Merigon Calderon, Evelyn Calderon, seated next to table Clara Calderon.

Calderon family photograph, 1 January 1894.
Clockwise: seated on floor George Calderon, Jack Calderon, Marguerite Calderon, Fred Calderon, Alfred Merigon Calderon, Evelyn Calderon, seated next to table Clara Calderon

Mind you, nor does his father!  Philip Hermogenes Calderon was usually so busy that he did not have time to attend family occasions, which were impeccably managed by his wife Clara.  On this photograph the absent Calderon males appear to be ‘present’ in the three photographs on the table.  The one to the left is of Calderon père, and as far as I can tell from published images the one at the front is of Frank, which means the one on the right must be of Henry.  His head-shape certainly looks different from the others’.

When I was about to write in this blog that on 16 September 1914 George Calderon went off to say goodbye to ‘his brother’, I suddenly remembered that he most likely had another brother in London, Henry.  So why wasn’t he saying goodbye to him too?  Why does his name never feature in Calderon letters or memoirs?  Was he the black sheep of the family? I decided to sidestep the issue by saying that Frank Calderon was George’s only ‘visitable relation’ in London…

The question nagged at me, though, and a few days ago I decided I must have another go at it (my research assistant and I first looked into it a year ago).  It is made more interesting by the fact that when I was searching online newspapers a year or two ago, I came across a tattered and blurred announcement of the birth of a child to, I thought, the wife of a Henry Calderon, but since I was actually searching for reviews of George’s plays at the time, I did not print it out or make more than a mental note of it.  When I subsequently searched for it, I couldn’t find it (which is not unheard of with these newspaper search engines).  Yet — obviously — if one is going to establish why Henry Calderon was ‘unvisitable’ in London, this glimpsed announcement could be relevant.

In his census records Henry is always down as ‘single’.  On the 1911 return there is only one other boarder at the address he is living at, and that is a woman schoolteacher aged 26.  There is one birth of a Calderon child registered in the decade 1900-10, but that was in 1901, so there is hardly cause for speculating in that direction.  This child died in just over a year.  I ought at least to see who its parents were, however, so I have ordered both the birth and death certificates.

Probably nothing will come of this, in the sense of suggesting that Henry Calderon was anything other than a son who went off to do something completely different from his siblings and had very little contact with them.  But you never know.  The question would never have raised its head again if it had not been for George bidding farewell to only one relation in London.

Time-consuming, but par for the course for any biographer!

Next entry: ‘Connected with the Hamiltons’

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26 September 1914

Today Kittie left Hampstead to stay with the Pyms at Foxwold, near Sevenoaks in Kent.

It was a sign of her desperation, or of her need for comfort, or at least of her desire to be with people she loved and who loved her.  Violet Pym, aged 32, was one of the group of ‘young people’ to whom George and Kittie were particularly close.  Her husband, ‘Evey’, was probably away with his regiment (see my posts at the end of July and beginning of August).  Kittie could help amuse and keep an eye on Violet’s two young children, and support Violet, who was almost full-term in her third pregnancy.  Violet’s mother, Catherine Lubbock, was presumably in residence close by at Emmetts.  Catherine was a half-sister of Kittie’s first husband, Archie Ripley, who had died in 1898.

Kittie Calderon 'keeping an eye on' Pym and Lubbock children at Foxwold, c.1912

Kittie Calderon ‘keeping an eye on’ Pym and Lubbock children at Foxwold, c.1912

The weather was much as it is at the moment, the setting idyllic.  Foxwold and its grounds feature in the 1985 Merchant-Ivory film A Room with a View.

George did not write to Kittie today or tomorrow, probably because he was preoccupied with the exercise at Southampton that he referred to in his letter of 22nd.  However, he never mentioned this in his subsequent letters; possibly the exercise was a rehearsal for embarkation and therefore a military secret.

Next entry: A lacuna

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25 September 1914

[From Windmill Hill Camp, Salisbury Plain]

Friday

Mrs P., So you didn’t have too much of your sleepy mole?  Well, I don’t know about any more upcomings.  Next Sunday, that’s the day after tomorrow, I certainly can’t; it’s too soon; and I’ve arranged with a Corporal to take me out riding and over some jumps.  I was very glad I came home when I did.  At 5.30 I found everybody was going out for an outpost affair; Corporal Farrer (who’s taking me out on Sunday) lent me his beautiful horse.  We were out till after nine, in a loveliest starriest night, bits champing in dewy field corners.  I had the luck to be sent with a message to the next squadron; steered by the moon, trotting along on my splendid horse, up far aloft from the ground; pursued the required Captain from village to village in the dark, tracked him down, gave the countersign to smiley realistic challenging sentries, and found my way back a new way to the spot I had left.  Today, we went out at an easy walk across the downs; and I volunteered for some semaphoring, in which I did so so.  A corporal holds out the hope that with a little luck, I might find myself a troop-leader after a bit out at the war. Don’t tell anyone.

The mess corporal told me that he had 2 parcels for me for two days; Heaven knows why he hadn’t sent them to my tent — I suppose he expected my servant to come and ask for parcels; but Paterson’s always in the canteen, I fancy.

[…]

The parcels had the smart hankies and the jerseys which look lovely.  I’ll take them as first line of supplies.  Pyjamas, A1.  But what a supply of things!  I’m thinking of a rummage sale.

Before you’re tied up: there’s a thing or so.  1. Riding whip hasn’t come.  2. Dixie hasn’t sent the eyeglasses; but I don’t care a damn; they would only be another parcel.  3. The lens is lovely, but too strong; I can see only a letter at a time.  If they can change it, I’ll keep it till I know.  But it doesn’t matter anyway. 4. I want two 4d compressed lead HB pencils.

Another great Brigade Field Day tomorrow; I expect I shall have Corporal Farrer’s beautiful horse.

Monday, the King comes.

I did not lose my stick.

The [equestrian] pants rode beautifully.

I don’t see why John Cook [a relative of Kittie’s] needs an introduction to the Inns of Court [Regiment].  But I’ll try to scratch a line when I’m handy for a sheet of paper.  I’m in my tent and I’m damned if I’m going to unroll my basebag.  I want to read German.

P.

One more want: 5. Liebmann’s rotten German-English military vocabulary, which I left in my kneehole.

Percy Lubbock, who knew the Calderons well, described George as having a ‘rich gift of anger’; but it was rarely seen.

Next entry: 26 September 1914

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Status

There are no letters from George to Kittie on 23 or 24 September 1914.  At first this seems odd, since he had been writing to her every day.  They were a Wednesday and a Thursday, and you would expect him to get leave only at the weekend.  However, in his letter of 22nd he had said that there was a rumour the ‘Blues’ were going on a weekend exercise near Southampton.  The beginning of his letter of 25 September, which I shall give almost in full tomorrow, confirms that he had indeed returned to Hampstead for the 23rd to 24th.

But since he was at home, he did not write any letters.  So what happened?  One can be fairly sure that he visited Coote Hedley (see blog for 16 August) to relate his recent experiences and promotion to Second Lieutenant.  That, however, would inevitably raise the question of when he was going to become ‘combatant’…  At what point would he be regarded as a fighter rather than an interpreter?

The status of interpreters was indeed ill-defined.  Preparations had been made years before in British-French military agreements, for the French to supply the interpreters to liaise between the armies once the B.E.F. arrived on French soil, and thousands had been recruited in France.  As Franziska Heimburger has described in a fascinating article (‘Fighting Together: Language Issues in the Military Coordination of First World War Allied Coalition Warfare’, in Languages and the Military, eds Hilary Footitt and Michael Kelly, 2012), these French military interpreters were put into ‘the position which the British Army had reserved for its orderlies’, who were used for carrying messages when communication by signal was not possible.

This probably explains why in his letter to Kittie of 22 September George wrote that during ‘two fancy battles’ on Salisbury Plain, ‘trotting and galloping all over the shop’,

The Colonel sent me with a message to a Squadron; but I disgraced myself by never finding them; scooted at full gallop for miles and missed them.  I told him [!] to do it again other times: I might be quite useful in the field.  I find I can ride further than my horse, which makes me happy about myself, but less proud of the horse.  I’m sure the whip [which Kittie had bought for him] is lovely; the Colonel recommended me to have one today.

According to Heimburger, in the field the interpreters’ duties were mainly liaising with civilians over billeting, food, and compensating damages.  At this point in time George was still the only interpreter the Blues had.  As he mentions elsewhere, Colonel Wilson was also ‘always impressing the study of billeting on me’.

All this did not augur well for George’s ‘status’ on the field and his plans to fight in the front line.  It must have been a subject of discussion, therefore, with Hedley, if not with Kittie too.  His next letter home suggests he was preoccupied with it, and perhaps it explains the sense of irritation near the surface.

Next entry: 25 September 1914

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22 September 1914

On this day Kittie had lunch with Nina and Reginald Astley at the Royal Automobile Club and visited Nina’s son Sir Roland Corbet (Jim) in hospital at Grosvenor Gardens. He had a lot of visitors, so, as Kittie wrote George today, ‘I was not able to hear much of what he had to say.  Nina says he likes talking, doesn’t fight shy of it like some people do. […] The “boaard” have to sit upon his case before he is allowed to go home.’

A mutual acquaintance, Gerard Thorpe, was also having lunch at the ‘Automobile’, and Kittie asked him what he thought of the fact that George had had his servant withdrawn because, as Colonel Wilson apologetically explained to him, it turned out that interpreters (of whom Wilson had another eleven arriving) were not entitled to a servant and were supposed to groom their own horse.

He [Thorpe] says you had much better just pay one of the men to come and ‘do’ for you — the only point is that that [way] you have not a servant entered as yours — you might find out about that — he says that is certainly what he’d do.

As to grooming your horse I’d do that at any rate for a bit not to seem as if you minded.  I’ll tell you why.  Can you believe it, some men who went out as interpreters with the first lot were such creatures that they made objections to having to groom their horses on active service — can you believe it — (they were Members of ‘Whites’ and were sent back!!), but anything not to be mixed up with such scum.  For of course you would never mind what you did — only there on Salisbury Plain when someone else might easily do it and you might be doing something else of more important training, as G[erard] T[horpe] said, it is waste of time.  As a matter of fact you’d want to do it for a bit to get to do it well.

Post goes.  Hugs, K.

That afternoon Nina wrote to Kittie:

your magnificent courage is just as wonderful as George’s and that is saying everything.  I feel I am perfectly useless and can do nothing for him nor for you — but love you both and that I do without measure.  Your faithful Dina

This clearly referred not just to Kittie’s work with the Red Cross, but to her fortitude in the face of Calderon’s obsession with getting to the front line.

Next entry: Status

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The thickness of events…

When writing a biography, you can go for months in its subject’s life without hearing a word from them, as it were: no letters from them to anyone have survived, they are not recorded as having said anything to anyone else, indeed as having ‘been anywhere’ at all.

On the other hand, when long letters have survived from them every day and when they are caught up in cataclysmic events that are also affecting their friends and the whole nation, there is an almost overwhelming abundance of connections between their life and others’ and the whole country’s.  How does the biographer select from this thickness of events?  Someone told me that he thought the story of George Calderon in World War 1 was a book in itself (maybe, but not yet, please!).

Here are some strands in George Calderon’s life over the last four days that I doubt whether I could find space to weave into the biographical narrative.

On 19 September Calderon received news from Kittie that Jim Corbet had been badly wounded at the Marne (see my post of 8 September).  ‘Perhaps “badly” means half an arm or a leg gone; but I am sure it must be less than “dangerously”’, he replied to Kittie, and enclosed a letter for her to send on to Jim’s mother.  The day after, he heard from Kittie that Jim was better than expected.  In fact, we know from Jim Corbet’s diary that five days after he was wounded by shrapnel in three places the wounds were ‘healing nicely’, and eight days after the event an X-ray showed that he did not have a bullet in his stomach after all.  He arrived back in London twelve days after being wounded, ‘wearing the same pyjamas and dressing-gown together with a pair of khaki knickers and the woolly I was wearing when I had been hit.’  He was sent to Sister Agnes Hospital, Grosvenor Gardens.

I am told that most people do not post or read blogs on a Sunday, so I was going to take the day off myself, but today is such an important literary and national anniversary that I would anyway have had to mention it.  On this day, 21 September 1914 (a Monday), Laurence Binyon’s poem ‘For the Fallen’ was published in The Times.  It was written a while before at Polzeath, in response to the publication of the first B.E.F. casualty lists, and in effect contains the most-read lines of any of our War poets.  Binyon was a close friend of Calderon’s from their days together at Trinity College, Oxford.

Units of the Blues had seen action at Mons, Le Cateau and the Marne, and were now engaged in the chaotic Battle of the Aisne.  At Windmill Hill Camp officers received letters from their comrades at the Front, so they were well aware of who was being killed.  This led George Calderon to return to a theme that obviously preoccupied him — how men behaved when they actually went into battle:

Those Germans are piling up a big debt of vindictiveness; great slabs of conversation are concerned with casualties and rumoured casualties; ‘poor old Jimmie’s been killed’, ‘So and so’s other son is wounded’ and the like.  These things will be remembered when they charge; not in a terrifying silence, but with a sudden spontaneous cheer.

Amusingly, the ‘Russian theme’ suddenly pops up in George’s letter of 19 September.  ‘Amusingly’, because his knowledge of Russian was totally irrelevant in his new role, he seemed to have bundled all that into a cupboard and slammed the doors, but he was after all one of the top Russianists in the country and couldn’t forget it.

He observes the officers around him and compares them with War and Peace, one of his and Kittie’s favourite books:

[Tolstoy’s] types are here; one young commander (the young rule the old) is a bristly hairy ruddy Denisof, with black deep shining jolly eyes.  Another impudent faced Dolokhof commands another squadron, and spends a lot of time chaffing and ragging, with a serious face, a very tall fair lad, Lord Alastair something, who is an object of general sport, though not at all ridiculous, but, for all his youth, able to take care of himself, good humouredly, in simple philosophic phrases.

The last sentence has a rather Tolstoyan syntax, and in the same letter George even refers to the Ballets Russes, with whom he had been working in London up to the end of July:

In the sun today, the mellow autumn sun, the camp looks like the Polovtsian camp in ‘Prince Igor’, with tents and hills in groups, fading away into the distance; but no Polovtsiennes to dance among them to cheer your little Prince Igor.  The greyhounds [belonging to an officer] give a feminine touch. Ladies come in motorcars in the afternoon, a few, mothers and wives of officers, and walk about and have tea.

The ‘Polovtsian Dances’, choreographed by George’s friend Fokine, had created a sensation in London during Ballets Russes’ first, 1911 visit.  But what George is really hinting at here is his lack of female company and his own irresistible urge in female company to charm and lightly flirt.  As he wrote to Kittie in 1899: ‘I am undermined in all my actions by the desire to please an audience.’

Soon after the Fokines had arrived back in Paris, war was declared.  Usually they would now have returned to St Petersburg to perform in the winter season, but they were wondering how, with Russia at war as well, they were going to get there.  George was in touch with them by letter.

Next entry: 22 September 1914

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20 September 1914

Calderon had only been separated from Kittie three days, but was missing her.  Yesterday was a Saturday.

My servant wanted to go up to see his wife; I thought of my old ‘ooman with a tearful sigh, and told him to stay as long as the regulations allowed.  The Colonel’s gone too and left the big dogged bullocky fellow named ‘Beef’ in charge; he’s the second in command; he’s Lord Tweedmouth.  I feel rather out of it not being the Marquis of anything or having three chargers and a motor car; but daresay it will come right in the end.  I’m a good deal alone, of course, being a new boy — even in the mess-tent.

He closed his letter yesterday with a list of things he needed (a sponge, 2 or 3 safety pins, an electric torch, a ‘cocoa-brick’), and the words ‘With greatest love’.

Kittie was right to worry about him and too much solitude: he was prone to plummeting depression in such circumstances, and on one occasion on Tahiti had almost suffered a nervous collapse.  But today, Sunday, he wrote to her that he felt ‘robuster’ and ‘more at home here’.  He covered three small sides with a list of more things he wanted her to buy and send down to him, some of them equestrian equipment, but closed with what seems a sudden development: ‘I’ve got my little pigeonhole on the letter-stand now, labelled “2nd Lieut. Calderon”.’  So although ‘only’ an interpreter, he had a foot on the military ladder.

Next entry: The thickness of events…

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Kittie’s feelings

Kittie Calderon also wrote almost every day to George, but thirty years later she directed that her letters be burned after her death and only one has survived (from which I shall quote on 22 September).  Nevertheless, after the War she told Percy Lubbock how she herself viewed George’s going to serve with the Blues at Windmill Hill Camp after being thrown from his horse in London:

What I regretted was besides the fact of the horrid pain, that he should go into this strange world of the ‘Blues’ so unlike himself. I felt it would so handicap him and so stand in the way of the men there finding out what manner of man he was.  How much it may have done this I don’t know. […] His letters [tell] how much he felt like a very new boy on his first day at public school when he walked into Camp.  Also how nice and kind they were to him.  But I truly think that was one of the bravest things he ever did.

Next entry: 20 September 1914

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